Pants-of-dog wrote:Not according to anything I read in that article.
While expansion of rent control did prevent some displacement among tenants living in San Francisco in 1994, the landlords of these properties responded to mitigate their rental losses in a number of ways. In practice, landlords have a few possible ways of removing tenants. First, landlords could move into the property themselves, known as move-in eviction. Second, the Ellis Act allows landlords to evict tenants if they intend to remove the property from the rental market, for instance, in order to convert the units to condos. Finally, landlords are legally allowed to offer their tenants monetary compensation for leaving. In practice, these transfer payments from landlords are common and can be quite large.
DMQ find that rent-controlled buildings were 8 percentage points more likely to convert to a condo than buildings in the control group. Consistent with these findings, they find that rent control led to a 15 percentage point decline in the number of renters living in treated buildings and a 25 percentage point reduction in the number of renters living in rent-controlled units, relative to 1994 levels. This large reduction in rental housing supply was driven by converting existing structures to owner-occupied condominium housing and by replacing existing structures with new construction.
This 15 percentage point reduction in the rental supply of small multi-family housing likely led to rent increases in the long-run, consistent with standard economic theory. In this sense, rent control operated as a transfer between the future renters of San Francisco (who would pay these higher rents due to lower supply) to the renters living in San Francisco in 1994 (who benefited directly from lower rents). Furthermore, since many of the existing rental properties were converted to higher-end, owner-occupied condominium housing and new construction rentals, the passage of rent control ultimately led to a housing stock that caters to higher income individuals. DMQ find that this high-end housing, developed in response to rent control, attracted residents with at least 18 percent higher income. Taking all of these points together, it appears rent control has actually contributed to the gentrification of San Francisco, the exact opposite of the policy’s intended goal. Indeed, by simultaneously bringing in higher income residents and preventing displacement of minorities, rent control has contributed to widening income inequality of the city.
It may seem surprising that the expansion of rent control in San Francisco led to an upgraded housing stock, catering to high-income tastes, while the removal of rent control in Cambridge also lead to upgrading and value appreciation. To reconcile these effects, it is useful to think about which types of landlords would respond to a rent control expansion versus a rent control removal. In the case of rent control expansion, some landlords will choose to recoup some of their losses by converting to condo or redeveloping their building to exempt it from rent control. However, other landlords may choose to accept the rent control regulation, and no longer perform maintenance on the building and allow it to decay. In the rent control expansion case, one would see an increase in condo conversions and upgrades, driven by the landlords that chose to respond in this way. However, when rent control is removed, the landlords who own the rent controlled buildings are the ones who didn’t choose to convert to condo or redevelop in response to the initial passage of rent control. Indeed, one would expect this subset of landlords to choose to upgrade and invest in their properties once the rent control regulation is removed.
Rent control appears to help affordability in the short run for current tenants, but in the long-run decreases affordability, fuels gentrification, and creates negative externalities on the surrounding neighborhood. These results highlight that forcing landlords to provide insurance to tenants against rent increases can ultimately be counterproductive. If society desires to provide social insurance against rent increases, it may be less distortionary to offer this subsidy in the form of a government subsidy or tax credit. This would remove landlords’ incentives to decrease the housing supply and could provide households with the insurance they desire. A point of future research would be to design an optimal social insurance program to insure renters against large rent increases.
Pants-of-dog wrote:This nitpicking at details ignores my point.
What do you think of my point?
Nitpicking? Come on, I'm correcting you on the actual facts. It's a fact that the US has a public healthcare system.
I do agree with some of your points, though. But there are many nuances to consider, especially in healthcare. There's a fair amount of countries with mixed public and private healthcare systems (such as Germany and all those with a Bismarck model), but which overall work better than the US.
The issue with the US is that you have 4 systems coexisting at once: You have Medicare and Medicaid (2 different forms of national health insurance), you have the VA system (a NHS-style system for war veterans), you have a Bismarckian system (for the other insured workers) and you have something akin to free market too (for people who are willing to pay and those uninsured uncovered by Medicaid). And, on top of that, healthcare itself seems to be really expensive, since the US is usually the first adopter of new treatments. And thus, you end up with a healthcare spending that is equivalent to over 5 times the total spending on defense (half and half between private and public).
Honestly, if the US just picked one of the first 3 it would already be a massive improvement. The Bismarckian system (i.e. like Germany's) seems like the most logical and acceptable choice, and I don't think anyone would claim Germany's healthcare sucks. But even a NHS-style system would be an improvement in many ways, as long as a private option exists for people unwilling to wait to be attended for free exists.
Pants-of-dog wrote:As someone who worked in public housing, I find governments have the best incentive when it comes to reducing costs for the user.
Private companies selling condos or houses in developments want to sell the unit quickly and cheaply, while reducing construction costs. This means cut corners and hidden maintenance costs. This is because the builder is also the first owner, but is not the end user or long term owner.
Government buildings, on the other hand, tend to be owned for a long time by the government and the same people who pay for construction also pay for maintenance. For them, paying a higher initial cost for quality construction is worth it because it reduces maintenance costs over the long term, as well as reducing things like sick days for workers in the buildings.
This is actually one of the reasons why I hate working on private housing projects: the client specifically asks for construction details that are cheaper to build and will deteriorate the building faster as well as making the building less healthy.
It depends on the government I guess. You could take the NYC disaster as an example of a public housing system that sucks in terms of maintenance and quality:
https://nypost.com/2018/07/02/nycha-rep ... 8-billion/Also, how does the assignment of people to units work at your location in Canada? How do they deal with an excess demand?
B0ycey wrote:I suppose once you associate Socialism to a dystopia you cannot stop them referring to the SU. The Soviet buildings were regulated to how it was at the time and just like how the West built homes with Asbestos we really should just accept that today things would be different given that we have been educated by R&D even if we adopted Socialism. Homes would never be less quality then they are now if Say America became Socialist I can assure you of that.
Indeed, Western homes also used to be worse. Particularly the post-war designs, which were actually inspired on Soviet ones IIRC.
What does asbestos have to do with waiting for years to be relocated? Mind you, that also happens in some European cities today, in the capitalist West, when the municipality manages a big chunk of the housing stock. Just imagine that, but applied to everyone, everwhere.
B0ycey wrote:As for being designated a house, Socialism doesn't have to be Brave New World. I would say you apply to the area you want to live in just like it is now rather than just being a cog. Socialism doesn't need to be like what it has been or what people think it is. It is after all an economic model. But just as Capitalist states aren't the same as each other today - and some are even authoritarian, the notion Socialism has to be like the SU or Cuba or NK or whoever you dislike the most is a misnomer too.
On the other hand, that's exactly how real socialism works. Real capitalism isn't a libertarian utopia either.
B0ycey wrote:As for just moving in Capitalism if the apartment is shit, well I am going to respond the same way you did. Nice in theory doesn't work in practice. We have just been talking about low income workers not AFFORDING homes now. So how do you think they can just move for a better quality house when we live in a high demand low supply housing economy? :?:
Correct, but often that is due to city planning and zoning. Still, I actually agree with you on that: Capitalism isn't a panacea either. Those do not exist when it comes to housing because it's a fraught subject when it comes to local/municipal politics since someone often loses no matter what you do. For instance, if you go on a public building spree, current homeowners will lose out too. If you densify, they lose too. If you integrate, they can lose as well. But if you don't, people who can't afford homes lose.
Markets, however, can and are useful to get rid of some literally unsolvable problems in this regard. After all, who determines what a good "quality" housing is but the guy who actually lives there? Then, why wouldn't you let that person decide, through the purse, how to respond to "low" quality housing, whatever that may be for the person?