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The participation of Japanese media in the fight against the development of economic relations between Russia and North Korea
The beginning of regular cargo and passenger transportation between the North Korean port of Rajin and Vladivostok has become, in some ways, the development of Russian-North Korean economic relations. However, this event was sharply criticized by the Japanese media.
The Japanese government was extremely concerned that Russia thus provides substantial support for the development of North Korea's nuclear weapons. It was suggested that there might be supplies of nuclear missiles parts to the DPRK. Moreover, Japan was outraged by the fact that Russia thus prevents the strengthening of sanctions pressure on North Korea. Of course, it's no secret that such stormy indignation in Japanese government is caused primarily by the instructions of the United States. This is confirmed by the fact that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe called on Russia and China to tighten measures against the DPRK, just after a conversation with US President Donald Trump on July 31. By the way, Abe's speech was sounded by the words of US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, who called China and Russia “economic enablers” of the regime.
The Russian government, including President Putin, has repeatedly stated that it is against the nuclear expansion of the DPRK, but the economic pressure on this country can only aggravate the situation in the region.
Japan is doing its best to expose Russia as the main assistant to the DPRK in strengthening nuclear weapons through its own media, especially the television and radio giant corporation NHK. However, it is worth noting that the NHK broadcasts not only the truth. One example is the release on the news channel NHK News 7, dedicated to the problem of child poverty, which was broadcast on August 18, 2016. The audience was shown a high school student, who had only written materials worth about 20 thousand yen. Since this fact was not combined with the information being presented, Internet users expressed their distrust of the news broadcast by the NHK. Deputy Satsuki Katayama made an official appeal to the broadcasting corporation with a demand to answer for misinformation. As a result, the corporation apologized, referring to the fact that this misunderstanding was due to lack of information, and the responsible persons were punished with fines and dismissal.
That is why there are no guarantees that the NHK can not provide untrue information to the audience about the development of economic relations between Russia and the DPRK, thereby confusing its own public.
It should be noted that on Monday, August 7, a meeting of the new Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono and his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov took place in Manila (the Philippines), where they agreed to cooperate in dealing with repeated launches of ballistic missiles and other provocations by North Korea. And now the question arises: will the unfriendly attitude of the Japanese media towards Russia on the issue of cooperation with the DPRK change?
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The Russian government, including President Putin, has repeatedly stated that it is against the nuclear expansion of the DPRK, but the economic pressure on this country can only aggravate the situation in the region.


It has been revealed that a Ukrainian company is responsible for providing North Korea with the new liquid-propellant engines used by recent North Korean ICBMs. The president of Ukraine’s KB Yuzhnoye grudgingly admitted its involvement in North Korea's ICBM program through its subsidiaries. Although we don't have to worrying about loose nukes from Ukraine as Russia and the United States forced Ukraine to give up its nukes in 1994, the economic relationship between Ukraine and North Korea is the main cause of North Korea's technological advancement in ballistic missiles.

Identifying the new LPE and its origins

The origins of the new engine (see Figures 1 and 2) are difficult to determine with certainty. However, a process of elimination sharply narrows the possibilities.

There is no evidence to suggest that North Korea successfully designed and developed the LPE indigenously. Even if, after importing Scud and Nodong engines, North Korea had mastered the production of clones, which remains debateable, this does not mean that it could design, develop and manufacture a large LPE from scratch, especially one that uses higher-performance propellants and generates 40 tonnes’ thrust.

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Figure 1: The liquid-propellant engines ground tested in September 2016 and March 2017 appear to be the same, though only the second ground test and the Hwasong-12 flight test operate with four auxiliary or vernier engines, which steer the missile.

If this engine was imported, most potential sources can be eliminated because the external features, propellant combination and performance profile of the LPE in question are unique. The engine tested by North Korea does not physically resemble any LPE manufactured by the US, France, China, Japan, India or Iran. Nor do any of these countries produce an engine that uses storable propellants and generates the thrust delivered by the Hwasong-12 and -14 LPE. This leaves the former Soviet Union as the most likely source.

Given North Korea’s reliance to date on technologies originating with the Isayev and Makeyev enterprises, one might suspect one or both as the probable supplier. However, neither enterprise has been associated with an engine that matches the performance of LPE used by Hwasong-12 and -14.

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Figure 2: The three missiles tested by North Korea are powered by the same engine complex, with one main engine and four steering engines.

An exhaustive search of engines produced by other manufacturers in the former Soviet Union yields a couple of possibilities, all of which are associated with the Russian enterprise named after V.P. Glushko, now known as Energomash. The RD-217, RD-225 and RD-250 engine families use high-energy, storable-liquid propellants similar to those employed by engines tested by North Korea. Neither the RD-217 nor RD-225 have external features matching those of North Korea’s new engine. The RD-250 is the only match.

The RD-250 engine is normally configured as a pair of combustion chambers, which receive propellant from a single turbopump, as shown in Figure 3. When operated in tandem, the two chambers generate roughly 78–80 tonnes’ thrust. This level of thrust is similar to the claims North Korea made when the first ground test was conducted and publicised in September 2016.

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Figure 3: The RD-250 engine consists of a pair of combustion chambers fed by a single turbopump.

It gradually became clear, however, that the Hwasong-12 and -14 used single-chamber engines. Note, for example, that Pyongyang claimed that a new pump design was used for the September ground test. This makes sense, because operating the RD-250 as a single chamber LPE would necessitate a new or modified turbopump. Having no demonstrated experience modifying or developing large LPE turbopumps, Pyongyang’s engineers would have been hard pressed to make the modifications themselves. Rather, the technical skills needed to modify the existing RD-250 turbopump, or fashioning a new one capable of feeding propellant to a single chamber would reside with experts with a rich history of working with the RD-250. Such expertise is available at Russia’s Energomash concern and Ukraine’s KB Yuzhnoye. One has to conclude that the modified engines were made in those factories.

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