That does not contradict my claim.
It does, since the establishment of Ghettos is generally internally driven, not externally.
You're arguing that it's external.
Anyway, the relationship between segregation and poverty among POC is established, and I am not going to pretend that your unsupported assertions are more correct than actual studies.
See, the relationship between segregated communities and poverty is indeed established, but the red herring coming from you and many others including people who write these studies pushing this narrative is that this relationship is abstract from race.
Even in the US, it's also the case with some white communities who fall to it.
For example, going through the very first introductory part of this one:
A notable difference in the typical lives of whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in the United States is the economic class of persons in their social environments. White middle-class families overwhelmingly live in middle-class neighborhoods and send their children to middle-class schools, but many black and Hispanic middle-class parents live in working-class or poor neighborhoods and send their children to high-poverty schools. About one in three poor white families live in poor neighborhoods and send their children to high-poverty schools, compared to two in three poor black and Hispanic families.
Let's see, middle class people live in middle class areas and send their children to middle class schools, this statement is true for the middle class all over irregardless of race. And there are black people and hispanics in the middle class, while Asians are generally middle class in the US.
Adding the word white or black before any of the statements here is simply pushing a narrative, since as shown before, the working and lower class includes far more than just black people, half of all people in fact.
Concentrated disadvantage in neighborhoods is one of the most durable predictors of high rates of violent crime, and differences in neighborhood disadvantage explains much of the racial gap in exposure to violence
This one is split into two parts, the first part is true irregardless of race, while the second part is explained by the gangs resulting from the war on drugs.
Noting that even in black communities in rural and sub-urban areas, the level of violence is far far more in communities in and around communities in major cities, both gang and police, due to the aformentioned gangs.
This is a map of all gun violence incidents in the US: https://www.thetrace.org/2018/12/gun-vi ... -map-data/
This is from the study:
Massey accepts Wilson’s central contention that deindustrialization and growing joblessness have been key factors driving the increasing concentration of poverty in minority communities and Wilson’s arguments about the deleterious consequences of concentrated poverty.
Note on the map that the first part of this statement is true as violence increases in areas that have seen a deterioration in economic conditions and deindustrialization.
Likewise, note that the second part doesn't confirm to the reality on the ground as the map shows that this is the case in all areas where this deterioration takes place and not limited to minority areas, meaning that the formation and spread of violent crime and gangs is not limited to black communities.
Massey’s theory of racial segregation and poor neighborhood formation is based on the population dynamics of segregation in the context of racial inequality in poverty rates. The core idea is simple: Racial segregation separates high-poverty racial groups from low-poverty racial groups. The result of this separation is that poverty is concentrated in the communities of high-poverty racial groups while low-poverty racial groups are shielded from poverty contact. By adding some degree of poverty status segregation within race, poverty is further concentrated, producing high neighborhood poverty contact for the poor of high-poverty racial groups.
Though it's looking at racial minorities in this specific point, this concept is true cross racial and ethnic group as the same can be seen all over the world not only in the US.
Also noting that these factors are also magnified by both rampant migration, the relocation of industries abroad, and automation.
Middle-Class Black Out-Migration
Wilson’s theory of middle-class black out-migration claims that more affluent blacks have moved into white neighborhoods, leaving behind poorer blacks and contributing to an increase in concentrated poverty. In response, Massey’s analyses of census and longitudinal data lead him to conclude that black middle-class out-migration never happened in any significant scale (Massey, Gross, and Shibuya 1994). Several later studies have subsequently investigated Wilson’s black middle-class out-migration thesis with varied conclusions. Quillian (1999) found evidence suggesting out-migration produced increasing spatial separation between poor and non-poor blacks without lasting racial desegregation because of white flight, while Crowder and South (2005) find no increases in rates of migration into white neighborhoods in the 1970s (see also Pattillo-McCoy 2000). Several differences in the exact questions addressed and methods of these studies may explain these differences. As relevant for understanding racial segregation effects, however, studies agree that affluent blacks remain only a bit less segregated from whites than less affluent blacks (Massey and Denton 1993; Massey and Fischer 1999; but see also Alba, Logan, and Stults 2000). This is consistent with the Massey model’s assumption that segregation and desegregation in cross-section are not income-selective.
Finally noting, that yet again, while this study focuses on minority neighborhoods, we see the exact same thing happening across the US and across racial and ethnic lines. Mainly can be seen with the heavy migration of people from the inner states into the coastal states leaving the inner core poorer and increasing the deterioration rate.
Yet the results here indicate that we must also add a third spatial pattern that is empirically important to understanding poverty concentration for blacks and Hispanics: poverty disproportionality in cross-race contact. The non-group neighbors of blacks and Hispanics are about 50% more likely to be poor than the non-group average, with little additional effect of the poverty status of the black or Hispanic person. In effect, blacks and Hispanics are segregated from higher-income members of other racial groups. It is then more accurate to describe concentrated poverty in minority communities as resulting from three segregations: racial segregation, poverty status segregation within race, and segregation from high and middle income members of other racial groups. Disproportionate contact with poor members of other groups is especially important for Hispanics owing to their relatively low racial segregation. For Hispanics, disproportionate poverty of non-group neighbors has more impact on high Hispanic levels of neighborhood poverty concentration than segregation. Massey’s model is incomplete in omitting this process.
While decreasing racial segregation through efforts like aggressive enforcement of anti-discrimination policies in housing would significantly reduce the concentration of poverty, we need to attend to the possibilities of income-selective effects in desegregation. Income selectivity can undercut the potential of desegregation to reduce the concentration of poverty. Policies that aim to provide broader housing choices may not deconcentrate poverty if blacks and Hispanics can only find places in the most disadvantaged desegregated neighborhoods.
So this study, in general, does not prove your claim.
I am not going to pretend that your unsupported assertions are more correct than actual studies.
Thus far, all I "claimed" was what is being discussed in the US elections and political class in general, so my "unsupported claims" are main issues discussed in US politics in great details.
All while, all the studies you have posted thus far doesn't prove your claim. Infact, some parts even support my unsupported claims.
Now although all these studies focus on minority areas, the principles, most atleast, stand true irregardless of race as can easily be observed by the level of poverty in the US, the concentration of violence, and the existence of these phenomena all over the world whereever these conditions meet; As such, claiming it's guided by race is a red herring.