[Mike12]

George Marsh, the American Minister Resident in Turkey since 1849, was needed elsewhere, Pierce thought, and so set to recall him, that he might discharge a special mission to Greece. A United States consular agent there had been imprisoned, and his property seized: Marsh was needed to report on the situation. By the next year, Marsh had freed the agent – a Dr. Jonas King, charged with “reviling the God of the universe and the Greek religion" – and in so doing, struck a blow for religious liberty in Greece.

This document set in motion the process of Marsh’s recall.
Document Signed, as President, partially printed and accomplished in manuscript, being an Order to Affix the Seal to an envelope addressed to the Sultan of Turkey; 1 page, quarto, Washington, September 7, 1853. To the Secretary of State, William Learned Marcy.

President Pierce Invites a Famous Presbyterian Divine to Visit the White House
November 7, 1855
Pierce invites the prominent Philadelphia cleric, Henry A. Boardman, to visit at the White House, “that we may make some time under this roof a period of enjoyment” – to, at least, the Reverend Boardman. With Mrs. Pierce upstairs in a darkened room, mourning the death of their only child, the Pierce White House was a dismal place.

[Mike12]

In this letter, Lincoln expresses his thinking about slavery, which contrasted with Speed, who grew up on a plantation and owned slaves.
http://www.abrahamlincolnonline.org/lin ... /speed.htm
...

You say if Kansas fairly votes herself a free state, as a Christian you will rather rejoice at it. All decent slaveholders talk that way; and I do not doubt their candor. But they never vote that way. Although in a private letter, or conversation, you will express your preference that Kansas shall be free, you would vote for no man for Congress who would say the same thing publicly. No such man could be elected from any district in a slave-state. You think Stringfellow & Co. ought to be hung; and yet, at the next presidential election you will vote for the exact type and representative of Stringfellow. The slave-breeders and slave-traders, are a small, odious and detested class, among you; and yet in politics, they dictate the course of all of you, and are as completely your masters, as you are the master of your own negroes. You inquire where I now stand. That is a disputed point -- I think I am a whig; but others say there are no whigs, and that I am an abolitionist. When I was in Washington I voted for the Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times, and I never heard of any one attempting to unwhig me for that. I now do no more than oppose the extension of slavery.

I am not a Know-Nothing. That is certain. How could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes, be in favor or degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring that "all men are created equal." We now practically read it "all men are created equal, except negroes" When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read "all men are created equal, except negroes, and foreigners, and Catholics." When it comes to this I should prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretence of loving liberty -- to Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy of hypocracy [sic].

Mary will probably pass a day to two in Louisville in October. My kindest regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading subject of this letter, I have more of her sympathy that I have of yours. And yet let me say I am

Yours friend forever
A. Lincoln

[Mike12]

QUEEN ELIZABETH I ON RELIGION.

[1559]

[Queen Elizabeth's reply to an address from five Catholic bishops]

"Sirs,—As to your entreaty for us to listen to you, we have it yet, do return you this our answer. Our realm and subjects have been long wanderers, walking astray whilst they were under the tuition of Romish Pastors, who advised them to own a Wolf for their head (in lieu of a careful Shepherd) whose inventions, heresies, and schisms be so numerous, that the flock of Christ have fed on poisonous shrubs for want of wholesome pastures. And whereas, you list us and our subjects in the teeth, that the Romish Church first planted the Catholic faith within our realms, the records and chronicles of our realms testify to the contrary, and your own Romish idolatry maketh you liars; witness the ancient monument of Gildas, unto which both foreign and domestic have gone in pilgrimage, there to offer. This author testifieth Joseph of Arimathea to be the first preacher of the word of God within our realms. Long after that period when Austin came from Rome, this our realm had Bishops and Priests therein, as is well known to the wise and learned of our realm, by woeful experience, how your Church entered therein by blood, they being martyrs for Christ, and put to death because they denied Rome's usurped authority.
As for our Father being drawn away from the Supremacy of Rome by schismatical and heretical counsels and advisers, who, we pray advised him more or flattered him than you, good Mr. Father, when you were Bishop of Rochester? And then, you Mr. Bonner, when you were Archdeacon? And you Mr. Turberville? Nay, further... who was more an adviser to our Father than your great Stephen Gardiner, when he lived?.... Was it not you and such like advisers that... stirred up our Sister against us and other of her subjects? Whereas you would frighten us by telling how Emperors... have owned the Bishop of Rome's authority. It was contrary in the beginning, for our Saviour Christ paid His tribute unto Cæsar, as the chief superior; which shows your Romish supremacy is usurped.... We give you, therefore, warning, that for the future, we hear no more of this kind, lest you provoke us to execute those penalties enacted for the punishing of our resisters, which out of our clemency we have foreborne."

1583 Speech on Religion
One matter touches me so near as I may not overskip; religion is the ground on which all other matters ought to take root, and being corrupted may mar all the tree; and that there be some fault finders with the order of the clergy, which so may make a slander to myself and the Church whose overruler God hath made me, whose negligence cannot be excused if any schisms or errors heretical were suffered.

Thus much I must say that some faults and negligence may grow and be, as in all other great charges it happeneth; and what vocation without? All which if you, my Lords of the clergy, do not amend, I mean to depose you. Look ye therefore well to your charges.

I am supposed to have many studies but most philosophical. I must yield this to be true, that I suppose few that be no professors have read more. And I need not tell you that I am so simple that I understand not, nor so forgetful that I remember not. And yet amidst so many volumes I hope God’s book hath not been my seldomest lectures; in which we find that which by reason, for my part, we ought to believe–that seeing so great wickedness and griefs in the world in which we live but as wayfaring pilgrims, we must suppose that God would never have made us but for a better place and of more comfort than we find here. I know no creature that breatheth whose life standeth hourly in more peril for it than mine own; who entered not into my state without sight of manifold dangers of life and crown, as one that had the mightiest and the greatest to wrestle with. Then it followeth that I regarded it so much as I left myself behind my care. And so you see that you wrong me too much if any such there be as doubt my coldness in that behalf. For if I were not persuaded that mine were the true way of God’s will, God forbid I should live to prescribe it to you. Take you heed lest Ecclesiastes say not too true; they that fear the hoary frost the snow shall fall upon them.

I see many overbold with God Almighty making too many subtle scannings of His blessed will, as lawyers do with human testaments. The presumption is so great, as I may not suffer it. Yet mind I not hereby to animate Romanists (which what adversaries they be to mine estate is sufficiently well known) nor tolerate newfangledness. I mean to guide them both by God’s holy true rule. In both parts be perils. And of the latter I must pronounce them dangerous to a kingly rule: to have every man according to his own censure, to make a doom of a validity and privity of his Prince’s government with a common veil and cover of God’s word, whose followers must not be judged, but by private men’s exposition. God defend you from such a ruler that so evil will guide you. Now I conclude that your love and care neither is nor shall be bestowed upon a careless Prince, but such as for your good will passeth as little for this world as who careth least. With thanks for your free subsidy, a manifest show of the abundance of your good wills, the which I assure you, but to be employed to your weal, I could be better pleased to return than receive.

1534: The Reformation of Henry VIII made England’s monarch the spiritual and secular head of the realm.
1547: Protestantism is continued under Edward VI.
1553: Queen Mary I reversed this decision when she restored Roman Catholicism as the state religion, and the Pope became head of the church once again.
1559: Queen Elizabeth wished to create a new moderate religious settlement derived from Henry VIII's break from Rome. She established the Church of England in 1559.

Queen Elizabeth I wanted to build a stable, peaceful nation with a strong government, free from the influence of foreign powers in matters of the church and the state. To realise this vision it was necessary to reach a new religious settlement that was as inclusive as possible. Changes needed to be introduced with a minimum of confrontation in order to overcome fear and suspicion at home and abroad.

The choice of state religion would have political consequences, whatever the decision. Choosing to remain Catholic would surrender power to Rome and ally England with other Catholic states, such as France and Spain. Returning to Protestantism would align England with the Dutch, its main trading partner, but risked antagonising Spain, the most powerful nation in the world. Protestantism would also create a fear of persecution among England’s Catholics.

after the rule of Calvin, entertained and observed by herself, be also observed by her subjects. She has dared to eject bishops, rectors of churches and other Catholic priests from their churches and benefices, to bestow these and other things ecclesiastical upon heretics, and to determine spiritual causes; has forbidden the prelates, clergy and people to acknowledge the Church of Rome or obey its precepts and canonical sanctions

Given at St. Peter’s at Rome, on 25 February1570 of the Incarnation; in the fifth year of our pontificate.

To the most serene and potent Prince, Louis, King of France.
MOST SERENE AND POTENT KING, MOST CLOSE FRIEND AND ALLY,
Your Majesty may recollect that during the negotiation between us for the
renewing of our League (which many advantages to both Nations, and much
damage to their common Enemies, resulting therefrom, now testify to have
been very wisely done),-there fell out that miserable Slaughter of the People
of the Valleys; whose cause, on all sides deserted and trodden down, we, with
the utmost earnestness and pity, recommended to your mercy and protection.
Nor do we think Your Majesty, for your own part, has been wanting in an
office so pious and indeed so human, in so far as either by authority or favour
you might have influence with the Duke of Savoy: we certainly, and many
other Princes and States, by embassies, by letters, by entreaties directed
thither, have not been wanting.
After that most sanguinary Massacre, which spared no age nor either sex,
there was at last a Peace given; or rather, under the specious name of Peace,
a certain more disguised hostility. The terms of the Peace were settled in
your Town of Pignerol: hard terms; but such as those poor People, indigent
and wretched, after suffering all manner of cruelties and atrocities, might
gladly acquiesce in; if only, hard and unjust as the bargain is, it were adhered
to. It is not adhered to: those terms are broken; the purport of every one of
them is, by false interpretation and various subterfuges, eluded and violated.
Many of those People are ejected from their Old Habitations; their Native
Religion is prohibited to many: new Taxes are exacted; a new Fortress has
been built over them, out of which soldiers frequently sallying plunder or kill
whomsoever they meet. Moreover, new Forces have of late been privily got
ready against them; and such as follow the Romish Religion are directed to
withdraw from among them within a limited time: so that everything seems
now again to point towards the extermination of all among those unhappy
People, whom the former Massacre had left.
Which now, O Most Christian King, I beseech and obtest thee, by thy righthand which pledged a League and Friendship with us, by the sacred honour
of that Title of Most Christian,-permit not to be done: nor let such license of
savagery, I do not say to any Prince (for indeed no cruelty like this could come
into the mind of any Prince, much less into the tender years of that young
Prince, or into the woman's heart of his Mother), but to those most accursed
Assassins, be given. Who while they profess themselves the servants and
imitators of Christ our Saviour, who came into this world that He might save
sinners, abuse His most merciful Name and Commandments to the cruellest
slaughterings. Snatch, thou who are able, and who in such an elevation art
worthy to be able, those poor Suppliants of thine, from the hands of
Murderers, who, lately drunk with blood, are again athirst for it, and think
convenient to turn the discredit of their own cruelty upon their Prince's score.
Suffer not either thy Titles and the Environs of thy Kingdom to be soiled with
that discredit, or the peaceable Gospel of Christ by that cruelty, in thy Reign.
Remember that these very People became Subjects of thy Ancestor, Henry,
most friendly to Protestants: when Lesdiguieres victoriously pursued him of
Savoy across the Alps, through those same Valleys, where indeed the most
commodious pass to Italy is. The Instrument of that their Paction and
Surrender is yet extant in the Public Acts of your Kingdom: in which this
among other things is specified and provided against, That these People of
the Valley should not thereafter be delivered over to any one except on the
same conditions under which thy invincible Ancestor had received them into
fealty. This promised protection they now implore; promise of thy Ancestor
they now, from thee the Grandson, suppliantly demand. To be thine rather
than his whose they now are, if by any means of exchange it could be done,
they would wish and prefer: if that may not be, thine at least by succour, by
commiseration and deliverance.
There are likewise reasons of state which might give inducement not to reject
these People of the Valleys flying for shelter to thee: but I would not have
thee, so great a King as thou art, be moved to the defence of the unfortunate
by other reasons than the promise of thy Ancestors, and thy own piety and
royal benignity and greatness of mind. So shall the praise and fame of this
most worthy action be unmixed and clear; and thyself shall find the Father of
Mercy, and His Son Christ the King, whose Name and Doctrine thou shalt
have vindicated, the more favourable to thee, and propitious through the
course of life.
May the Almighty, for His own glory, for the safety of so many most innocent
Christian men, and for your true honour, dispose Your Majesty to this
determination.
Your Majesty's most friendly,
OLIVER PROTECTOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND.

The English Bill of Rights was an act signed into law in 1689 by William III and Mary II, who became co-rulers in England after the overthrow of King James II. The bill outlined specific constitutional and civil rights and ultimately gave Parliament power over the monarchy. Many experts regard the English Bill of Rights as the primary law that set the stage for a constitutional monarchy in England. It’s also credited as being an inspiration for the U.S. Bill of Rights.

Glorious Revolution
The Glorious Revolution, which took place in England from 1688-1689, involved the ousting of King James II.

Both political and religious motives sparked the revolution. Many English citizens were distrustful of the Catholic king and disapproved of the monarchy’s outright power.

Tensions were high between Parliament and the king, and Catholics and Protestants were also at odds.

James II was eventually replaced by his Protestant daughter, Mary, and her Dutch husband, William of Orange. The two leaders formed a joint monarchy and agreed to give Parliament more rights and power.

Text of the English Bill of Rights of 1689
An Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject and Settling the Succession of the Crown

Whereas the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons assembled at Westminster, lawfully, fully and freely representing all the estates of the people of this realm, did upon the thirteenth day of February in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred eighty-eight [old style date] present unto their Majesties, then called and known by the names and style of William and Mary, prince and princess of Orange, being present in their proper persons, a certain declaration in writing made by the said Lords and Commons in the words following, viz.:
Whereas the late King James the Second, by the assistance of divers evil counsellors, judges and ministers employed by him, did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of this kingdom;
Freedom to elect members of Parliament, without the king or queen’s interference
Freedom of speech in Parliament
Freedom from royal interference with the law
Freedom to petition the king
Freedom to bear arms for self-defense
Freedom from cruel and unusual punishment and excessive bail
Freedom from taxation by royal prerogative, without the agreement of Parliament
Freedom of fines and forfeitures without a trial
Freedom from armies being raised during peacetimes
Other important provisions were that Roman Catholics couldn’t be king or queen, Parliament should be summoned frequently and the succession of the throne would be passed to Mary’s sister, Princess Anne of Denmark and her heirs (than to any heirs of William by a later marriage).

[Mike12]

"My friends, my brethren, my countrymen"
I will say, then, on this occasion, that I am glad, truly glad, that it has been my fortune to stay long enough among the New Englanders to obtain a better acquaintance than one can who passes in the ordinary way through the country, at the speed of the railroad tourist. I have stayed long enough to feel that generous hospitality which evinces itself to-night, which has showed itself in every town and village of New England where I have gone--long enough to learn that though not represented in Congress, there is within the limits of New England a large mass of as true Democrats as are to be found in any portion of the Union. Their purposes, their construction of the Constitution, their hopes for the future, their respect for the past, is the same as that which exists among my beloved brethren in Mississippi. [Applause.]
"Is this a town of my brethren?"
Jefferson Davis

During these camps or large gatherings, the devout had an opportunity to apply religious principles such as support of women’s rights, abolition, and temperance. The revival inspired a highly moralistic attitude and perfectibility among the people of America.
Second Great Awakening: Abolition and Women's Rights

[Mike12]

Are YOU related to a Pilgrim? New online genealogies of Mayflower passengers helps find their descendants, as more than 10 million Americans - including Marilyn Monroe and Clint Eastwood - count them as ancestors. Figuring out whether you're a descendant of a Pilgrim is now just a mouse click away.

A months-long effort to digitize and index the authenticated genealogies of passengers aboard the Mayflower has been completed and is available online, the New England Historic Genealogical Society

According to the General Society of Mayflower Descendants, an estimated 35 million people worldwide are believed to be descended from the group. Among them are some of the best and brightest Americans, from John Quincy Adams

The large-scale Puritan immigration to New England ceased by 1641, with around 21,000 having moved across the Atlantic.

Puritans shared with other Calvinists a belief in double predestination, that some people (the elect) were destined by God to receive grace and salvation while others were destined for Hell.[50] No one, however, could merit salvation. According to covenant theology, Christ's sacrifice on the cross made possible the covenant of grace, by which those selected by God could be saved. Puritans believed in unconditional election and irresistible grace—God's grace was given freely without condition to the elect and could not be refused.[51]
it produced more than 16 million descendants.
The Presbyterian Church (USA), abbreviated PC(USA), is a mainline Protestant denomination in the United States. It is the largest Presbyterian denomination in the US, and known for its liberal stance on doctrine and its ordaining of women and members of the LGBT community as elders and ministers. The denomination had 1,193,770 active members

[Mike12]

[Mike12]

Once I was afraid, but then you came along
Put your faith in me and I was challenged to be strong
When I lost my way, you were there to see me through
Now let Lola lend some love and do the same for you
Feed your fire, to take you higher
We'll light you up like a live wire
Celebrate you, to elevate you
When you struggle to step, we'll take a helping hand
If you hit the dust
Let me raise you up.
When your bubble busts,
Let me raise you up
If your glitter rusts
Let me raise you up. (and up)
Raise you up
Raise you up
Raise you up
Never put much heart in anything before.
You strut into my life and help me go for something more.
Now I stand up for myself.
Now I stand out from the crowd.
Now I'm standing on high heels
If Dad could see me now
Feed your fire, to take you higher
We'll light you up like a live wire
Celebrate you, to elevate you
When you struggle to step, we'll take a helping hand.
If you hit the dust
Let me raise you up.
When your bubble busts,
Let me raise you up.
If your glitter rusts,
Let me raise you up. (and up)
Raise you up
Raise you up
Raise you up.
I knew you had it in you
I knew what you could do
You believed in me,
Let me be right for you.
Your stumbling days are done,
Now were walking on air.
I was a loose shoe but you need two to make a pair.
Wait wait wait wait wait hold it right there buster. Are you saying you'd like to take me out?
Yes
Are you saying you are Nikola are through
Yes
Are you saying you are actually available
Yes
And you still like girls?
Yes!
Oh. Carry on!
Feed your fire, to take you higher.
We'll light you up like a live wire.
Celebrate you, to elevate you,
When you struggle to step, we'll take a helping hand
Look out Milan,
Here come Don, and Don has brought some friends along.
When you start things out of certainty,
Then the ones you love
Are gonna set you free!
Feed your fire, to take you higher.
We'll light you up like a live wire.
Celebrate you, to elevate you,
When you struggle to step, we'll take a helping hand.
If you hit the dust,
Let me raise you up.
When your bubble busts
Let me raise you up.
If your glitter rusts,
Let me raise you up. (and up)
Raise you up
Raise you up
If you hit the dust,
Let me raise you up
When your bubble busts,
Let me raise you up.
If your glitter rusts,
Let me raise you up. (and up)
Raise you up
Raise you up
Raise you up
Just be.
Raise you up
Raise you up.
Were the same, Charlie Boy, you and me
Just be
Who you wanna be.
Never let em tell you who you ought to be
Just be. With dignity.
Celebrate yourself triumphantly
Youll see.
Youll see.
Just be.
Just be.
Ladies, gentlemen, and those who have yet to make up their minds
As people all over the world clamor for kinky boots, it's time for us to get back to work
But before we go, we would like to leave you with the Price and Simon secret to success
Alright, now we've all heard of the 12 step program, have we not?
Yes, but what you can do in 12, I want you to know that we all can do in 6 now, and it goes like this
One: Pursue the truth
Two: Learn something new
Three: Accept yourself and you'll accept others too!
Four: Let love shine
Five: Let pride be your guide
Six: Change the world when you change your mind!
Just be. Who you wanna be.
Never let them tell you who you ought to be.
Just be. With dignity.
Celebrate your life triumphantly.
You'll see.
Its beautiful.
You'll see
Its beautiful.
Just be.
Its beautiful
Just be.
You'll see.
Its beautiful.
You'll see
Its beautiful.
Just be.
Its beautiful.
Just be.

[Doug64]

September 2, Friday

General Sherman might not know what to think of the explosions in Atlanta last night; General Slocum knows exactly what they meant. This morning—while Sherman, still in doubt, pursues Hardee south to Lovejoy’s Station—Slocum marches on Atlanta. On the outskirts of the city, near an abandoned Confederate redoubt known as Fort Hood, Slocum’s lead column encounters a mounted group of well-dressed civilians flying a flag of truce. It is a delegation of prominent residents, led by the mayor of Atlanta, James M. Calhoun, riding out in search of General Sherman. Mayor Calhoun consults with the senior Federal officer present, Colonel John Coburn, commander of an Indiana regiment. Then, at 11 am, Calhoun writes out a brief note, formally surrendering the city today and asking protection for “non-combatants and private property.” One of the first major units to pass through the abandoned Confederate earthworks—the 1st Brigade of the 1sr Division of the veteran XX Corps—swings down a city thoroughfare lustily singing a favorite ditty: “We will hang Jeff Davis on a sour apple tree.” Rumors of the surrender move faster than the courier that Slocum dispatches to Sherman. But Sherman—waiting at his headquarters near Lovejoy’s Station—can’t be certain until the courier arrives after midnight with Slocum’s handwritten note dated inside Atlanta. Sherman will recall that when he shows the note to Thomas, the stout general “snapped his fingers, whistled, and almost danced.”


Although fighting is light at Darkesville and Bunker Hill, West Virginia, it will soon be different—Sheridan obviously plans an offensive toward the Shenandoah. Lee presses Early to return troops loaned to him, as Lee feels their absence at Petersburg. On that front, Federals operate beyond Yellow Tavern on the Weldon Railroad south of Petersburg (not the same Yellow Tavern where Stuart fell).


Secondary action also increases, with skirmishing at The Tannery near Little Rock and near Quitman, Arkansas; at Mount Vernon, Missouri; and near Union City, Tennessee. Federal expeditions operate on the Blackwater and on the Little Blue in Jackson County, Missouri. Guerrillas raid Owensborough, Kentucky.

President Lincoln talks with various observers and political leaders to get the “feel” of the nation in respect to the coming election. At the headquarters of the Army of Northern Virginia, General Lee is perturbed over the “importance of immediate and vigorous means to increase the strength of our armies....” He writes Davis that Blacks should be substituted for Whites “in every place in the army or connected with it when the former can be used.” He urges tightening rules for enlistments and exemptions all along the line, for “Our ranks are constantly diminishing by battle and disease, and few recruits are received; the consequences are inevitable....”

[Mike12]

[Mike12]

[Mike12]

[Mike12]

[Mike12]

How many revolutions did France have? It seems like that question should have a quick and easy answer, and it does: three. But, as with all things historical, there's also a lengthy and complex answer: It depends.

"If revolution is a regime change involving collective physical force, then the key dates are 1789, 1830 and 1848," said Peter Jones, a professor of French history at the University of Birmingham in the United Kingdom. The first revolt is the one we all know as the French Revolution, which ended with Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette losing their heads. The second is usually called the July Revolution, which saw the House of Bourbon dethroned in favor of the House of Orléans. And the third is sometimes called the February Revolution or the French Revolution of 1848, which ended the Orléanists and brought in a period known as the Second Republic.

The longer answer largely hinges on your interpretation of what a revolution is; for example, some academics prefer a more intricate definition.
You need a popular movement, a split in the ruling class where one portion crosses over to the revolution and offers their leadership — otherwise, it's just a riot — and you also need a crisis in the state," said Robert Gildea, a professor of modern history at the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom. "If all of those elements are fulfilled and it leads to a regime change, then we can talk about revolution."

Gildea agrees with Jones' reckoning that there have been three definitive French revolutions. Those are cast-iron, he said. However, there are quite a few other notable rebellions in French history that are worthy of discussion and could be interpreted as revolutions.

Revolutionary road
The last of the three revolutions, the 1848 February Revolution, booted out the hitherto restored monarchy and initiated a period known as the Second Republic, but it wasn't long before political instability returned to France yet again. The republic's own elected president, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, also called Napoleon III (a nephew of the Napoleon), dissolved the National Assembly, the country’s parliament, without any legal basis.

This coup d'état made him the sole ruler of France, and a new constitution gave him the right to be president for decade-long terms with no limits on his re-election. He didn't stop there; in 1851, he put a referendum to the French people, asking them to back him as emperor and — wouldn't you know it — an unlikely 97% of the votes were in favor. In 1852, the Second Republic was formally rebranded as the Second Empire, with Bonaparte on the throne. While all this upheaval totally changed the balance of power in France and it wasn't based on free and fair elections, historians don't call it a revolution, because there was no grassroots violence that triggered it. However, the later demise of Bonaparte's Second Empire did coincide with a revolution of sorts.

In 1871, it was clear that France was about to lose a war with Prussia. Bonaparte was captured, and in the midst of the political confusion, republican forces back in Paris seized control and declared the Third Republic. But while Emperor Bonaparte was basically gone and the republicans were in charge, this didn't signal a significant change in the policies or tone of the government.

"Strictly speaking, we wouldn't say this was a revolution, either, because it was just a seizure of power," Gildea told Live Science. "Essentially, they ended up founding quite a conservative republic."

However, the backlash against this "same old, same old" conservative republic did have some of the trappings of a revolution, such as barricaded streets and communist leaders. This revolt is known as the Paris Commune, and leftists managed to be in control of the capital city for months before the Third Republic quashed the rebellion and reaffirmed its authority during what is ominously known as the Bloody Week. The Paris Commune was effectively a revolution, said Gildea; it's just that it failed.

"The defeat of the Paris Commune in 1871 is a founding moment for French socialism," he said. "The Third Republic then stays in place until it's defeated by Germany in 1940." During the bulk of World War II, it was replaced by the Vichy government, which collaborated with the Nazis. That was eventually replaced by the Fourth Republic when France was liberated, which was basically a reinstalled version of the previously defeated conservative Third Republic. The constitution was later rewritten in 1958 to create the Fifth Republic, which reintroduced the position of president and survives to this day. But even that's not the end of the story; in its short history, the Fifth Republic has faced serious threats to its existence.

RELATED MYSTERIES

Ever since 1848, Algeria had been administered as an integral part of France. From the French government's point of view, the North African territory was not a colony but rather officially as much a part of France as Paris. Most Algerians would probably disagree with that status and say their country was subjugated by the French. However, it is possible to argue on a technicality that the Algerian War of Independence in the mid-20th century was actually a French revolution, Gildea said. In reality, however, most people wouldn't include it in their tally of French revolutions.

[Mike12]

Texas, as well as the releasable Californian Republic and Deseret can take. They take it to request annexation by the USA. These countries may take the decision if both they and the US are at peace, their relationship with the US is at least 175, and they have the same policy on slavery as the United States.
https://vic2.paradoxwikis.com/Apply_for ... d%20States.

Article IV, Section 3 of the Constitution reads:

New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

Article IV, Section 4 states:

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.

Utah petitioned Congress for statehood eight times over a period of fifty years. The practice of polygamy postponed entrance into the Union.
Louisiana had to agree to use the English language, rather than French, in its court proceedings.
The state of Hawaii had to agree to administer loyalty oaths to the United States to its state public officials.
New Mexico was required to teach English, not Spanish, in its schools, and make guarantees of religious freedom.
Once admitted into the United States, a new state must:

Establish a republican form of government, the specifics of which should include legislative, executive and judicial branches and a system of public education.
Elect Representatives and Senators to the national government.
The state must follow the prohibitions of Article I, Section 10 of the Constitution which outlines national government functions which must not be performed by a state.
Establish a method of producing revenue for the operation of the state.

Scottish republicanism (Scottish Gaelic: Poblachdas na h-Alba) is an ideology based on the belief that Scotland should be a republic, as opposed to being under the monarchy of the United Kingdom. Usually, this proposal takes the form of Scottish nationalism and activism for independence, but it is also occasionally found in discussions of changing the system of government of the United Kingdom as a whole in such a manner as to replace Queen Elizabeth II with an elected official as head of state.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scottish_republicanism

[Doug64]

September 3, Saturday

At 6 am, Sherman wires Washington a summary of recent operations and adds a trenchant line: “So Atlanta is ours, and fairly won.” The news sends the Union into a frenzy of celebration. Sherman’s accomplishment is thereby significant in more ways than one: By capturing Atlanta, his armies have not only deprived the Confederacy of a vital arsenal and rail hub, but they have strengthened the will of the Union to continue the war as well. President Lincoln, whose reelection is now virtually assured, proclaims a national day of thanksgiving on the 5th for both this and the victory at Mobile and orders the firing of 100-gun salutes in more than a dozen cities. Ulysses Grant, from the stalemated Federal line at Petersburg, writes his old partner, “You have accomplished the most gigantic undertaking given to any general in this war, and with a skill and ability that will be acknowledged in history as unsurpassed if not unequaled.” Sherman has failed in his primary objective of destroying the Confederate army, but he is satisfied, content to probe halfheartedly for a couple of days at Lovejoy’s Station. That is where Hood now concentrates his entire army to reorganize his shattered elements, rest the strong ones, and plan. Back on the Union supply line there is skirmishing at Glass Bridge and Big Shanty, Georgia, and a considerable amount of scouting as usual.


General Morgan reaches Greeneville, Tennessee, where he prepares to confront the Union raiders aimed at Saltville and the Virginia lead mines when they emerge from Bull’s Gap tomorrow or the next day. Down to about 2,000 men, he deploys them fanwise to the west covering three of the four roads in that direction, and retires for the night in the finest house in town, which as usual means that its owner has Confederate sympathies. Greenville, like many such places in east Tennessee, is a town of divided loyalties; Longstreet wintered here, awaiting orders to rejoin Lee, and Andrew Johnson had been its mayor in the course of his rise from tailor to Lincoln’s running mate in the campaign now in progress.


At Petersburg during this period of comparative rest, which is sorely needed by both sides, Lee urges General Hampton to look for a chance to strike at Grant’s headquarters and supply base at City Point, eight miles northeast of Petersburg, at the confluence of the Appomattox and the James. “I judge that the enemy is very open to attack at City Point,” Lee writes to his cavalry chief today. “A sudden blow in that quarter might be detrimental to him.


Sheridan has his army re-form the north-south line from Charles Town to Berryville and waits. When Halleck relays a rumor that Breckinridge has been detached to raid in West Virginia, Sheridan’s response is steely: “I believe no troops have yet left the Valley, but I believe they will, and that it will be their last campaign in the Shenandoah.”

Sheridan has hardly sent the dispatch when, as predicted, Lee recalls Anderson and Kershaw to eastern Virginia. Today, Kershaw’s division of I Corps marches east from Winchester toward Berryville, heading for passes through the Blue Ridge Mountains. At the same moment, George Crook is moving his VIII Corps, as Sheridan has ordered, into its former position in front of Berryville on the left of the Federal line. The inevitable fight comes at sunset, just as the Federals are going into camp. Kershaw’s infantry, stumbling into Crook’s skirmishers, recoil at first but recover from their surprise and attack. Crook’s men also fall back in confusion only to rally and repulse the Confederates. Before darkness ends the fierce little clash, the Federals have driven Kershaw and his man back toward Winchester.


In Charleston Harbor the armies exchange captive surgeons and chaplains. Skirmishing occurs in Shelby County, Kentucky; near Rocheport, Missouri; and near Sycamore Church, Virginia.

President Lincoln calls home from New Hampshire Postmaster General Montgomery Blair. Senator Chandler of Michigan and others have been advising that Blair be dropped from the Cabinet for his support of the Democrats. President Davis, meanwhile, tries to gather troops in Georgia to aid Hood.

[Doug64]

September 4, Sunday

Around sunup at Greenville, Tennessee, after a rainy night, General Morgan is awakened this Sunday morning by rifle fire, spattering in the streets below his bedroom window, and by a staff captain who brings word that the Union advance guard has arrived by the single road that wasn’t guarded. He pulls on his trousers and boots and goes out by a rear door in an attempt to reach the stable and his horse, but is cut off and has to turn back, taking shelter in a scuppernong arbor that screens the walkway from the house. His attempt to hide is equally unsuccessful, and when he attempts to surrender the blue trooper shoots him through the heart from a range of twenty feet. The killer and his friends tear down an intervening fence in their haste to get at Morgan’s body, which they throw across a horse for a jubilant parade around the town before they fling it, stripped to a pair of drawers, into a muddy roadside ditch. Two captured members of Morgan’s staff are allowed to wash and dress the body and send it back to Abingdon, where his widow—the former Mattie Ready, pregnant with the daughter he will never see—has it removed to a vault in Richmond, to await the time when it can be returned in peace to the Bluegrass region he loved and raided. The legends of Morgan and his “terrible men” will live on in the annals of poem, song, and story, as well as in military records of honor.


At dawn at Berryville in the Shenandoah, Early joins Kershaw with reinforcements. But when Early sees Sheridan’s whole army entrenched from Berryville northward, he pulls his entire force back to Winchester and forms a line facing the Federals from the high ground just east of the main north-south highway, the Valley Turnpike. Early decides to keep Kershaw with his for a few more days and see what develops.

In the vicinity of Winchester, where the armies now face each other, the Shenandoah Valley is at its widest; the distance from North Mountain in the west to the Blue Ridge averages twenty miles. Here the Shenandoah River, its two forks united at Front Royal, flows toward the Potomac along the Valley’s eastern boundary, at the foot of the Blue Ridge. Opequon Creek flows down the middle of the Valley from the Winchester area to its own confluence with the Potomac. The enemy lines are about six miles apart, equidistant from the Opequon.


At Atlanta Sherman is preparing to pull in his armies for a month’s regrouping and resting and is arguing with the civilian authorities of the city. Hood is likewise gathering in his tattered ranks near Lovejoy’s Station. At Charleston the third great bombardment of Fort Sumter ends after sixty days, with 81 casualties and 14,666 rounds fired. Elsewhere, fighting breaks out at Brownsville, Arkansas, and Donaldsonville, Louisiana. Confederates attack the steamers Celeste and Commercial at Gregory’s Landing on the White River, Arkansas.

In answer to a letter from Eliza P. Gurney of the Society of Friends, President Lincoln writes, “The purposes of the Almighty are perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive them in advance.”

[Doug64]

September 5, Monday

Sherman begins withdrawing north from Lovejoy’s Station toward Atlanta, ending the campaign he launched from Chattanooga four months ago. After 128 days of almost-constant fighting, and at a toll of 35,000 casualties in the Confederate army and nearly as many in their own, Sherman’s men can rest.


At Petersburg, Lee’s cavalry chief receives a report from one of his best scouts, Sergeant George Shadburne, whose camp is hidden along the Blackwater River, two miles behind Grant’s lines. “I have just returned from City Point,” Shadburne announces. He describes the activities and defenses of the Federal supply base and adds: “At Coggins’ Point are 3,000 beeves, attended by 120 men, and 30 citizens without arms.” That many beef cattle, if General Hampton can abduct them, would provide Lee’s entire army a daily meat ration for at least six weeks. Coggins’ Point is on the James about five miles below City Point. The only substantial body of armed men that Shadburne could find near the herd is a 250-man cavalry detachment from the District of Columbia at Sycamore Church, three miles south of the cattle. The greatest danger to Confederate raiders, says Shadborne, would come on their way back when they have to take the Jerusalem Plank Road, close to an enemy that by then would be alarmed.

His interest aroused, Hampton tells Shadburne to investigate further, asking if Grant is expected to be away from the army any time soon. Shadburne responds that Grant will be going to the Shenandoah Valley to see Sheridan on the 14th. Assuming that a raid will have a better chance of success with the enemy commander absent, Hampton asks Lee for permission to try it. He proposes to take 4,500 troopers on an arduous 100-mile ride, much of it behind Federal lines; they would leave on the 14th. Lee approves, warning Hampton only to be careful.


Along the Opequon in the Shenandoah, portions of Sheridan’s and Early’s forces skirmish near Stephenson’s Depot, north of Winchester. Both sides continue to probe, to try to catch the other off balance. Elsewhere in Virginia there is a Federal reconnaissance to Sycamore Church.

Voters of Louisiana who have taken the oath ratify the new state constitution, which includes the abolition of slavery.

[Doug64]

September 6, Tuesday

The major battle fronts in Virginia, the Shenandoah, and Georgia are quiet. Secondary action takes place at Readyville, Tennessee; Eight Mile Post on the Natchez and Liberty Road, Mississippi; Richland and Searcy, Arkansas; Brunswick, Missouri; and on the Brazos Santiago, Texas. Federals scout in Arkansas and Missouri, and a Union expedition moves from Morganza to Bayou Sara, Louisiana. The eighth minor bombardment begins at Charleston and lasts nine days; the Confederates suffer casualties and 573 rounds are thrown against Fort Sumter.

Lieutenant General Richard Taylor assumes command of the Confederate Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana.

Maryland’s convention adopts a new constitution abolishing slavery.

[Doug64]

September 7, Wednesday

Sherman is proud of capturing Atlanta, but he is also aware that it has placed him and his army in a precarious position. He is deep in enemy territory with more than 80,000 men to feed and supply, his lifeline a single railroad track running more than 300 miles back through Chattanooga to Nashville, Tennessee. That lifeline is all too vulnerable to slashing attacks carried out by Confederate cavalry raiders led by Generals Joseph Wheeler and Nathan Bedford Forrest “I’ve got my wedge in pretty deep,” Sherman tells a friend, “and must look out that I don’t get my fingers pinched.”


In the Shenandoah small units of Early’s and Sheridan’s skirmish again near Brucetown and Winchester. An affair occurs at Centralia, Missouri, and an expedition by Federals in Louisiana to Lake Natchez lasts five days.

[Doug64]

September 8, Thursday

Sherman finally enters conquered Atlanta. His entrance is typically low-key. Dressed as usual in his gray flannel shirt and shabby blue tunic and trousers, he rides without fanfare to his new headquarters near the courthouse square. Anxious citizens peer from doors and windows, hoping to catch a glimpse of the conqueror of Atlanta. A reporter from New York notes that “there was not even a shout or huzza to welcome him.” The pall of gloom has spread outward from Atlanta. About 200 miles to the east, in Columbia, South Carolina, the diarist Mary Boykin Chesnut sums up the despair of Southerners everywhere: “Atlanta is gone. That agony is over. There is no hope, but we will try to have no fear.”

To help make Atlanta a more efficient and more easily defended military base, Sherman decides that it is necessary to evacuate all civilians. He informs those residents who haven’t already fled the city that they have to pack what they can and leave. The order strikes the Atlantans like a thunderbolt. Mayor James M. Calhoun and his fellow councilmen protest, saying that the results of an evacuation would be “appalling and heartrending.” General Hood, still thirty miles to the south at Lovejoy Station, is also appalled by Sherman’s edict. Sherman requests that Hood do his part to help pass Atlanta’s refugees through the Confederate lines: “I have deemed it to the interest of the United States that the citizens now residing in Atlanta should remove, those who prefer it to go South and the rest North.” Hood responds angrily with bitter accusations. Sherman’s ploy, Hood writes, is uncivilized—it constitutes “studied and ingenious cruelty.”

The protests elicit from Sherman a series of eloquent replies. He writes to Hood that he has sound military reasons for his action. Leaving a large number of civilians in a captured city means that he would be obliged to maintain a large garrison to control and protect them; this would have the effect of weakening the victorious army. Furthermore, Sherman notes, allowing civilians to remain where they might again be placed in the line of fire is hardly a humane proceeding. But more important to Sherman is a broader issue. The Confederacy has begun the conflict, he says, and is responsible for all subsequent bloodshed. “You cannot qualify war in harsher terms than I will,” he passionately tells the mayor and his council. “War is cruelty and you cannot refine it; and those who brought war into our country deserve all the curses and maledictions a people can pour out.” One might as well “appeal against the thunder-storm as against these terrible hardships of war,” Sherman continues. “They are inevitable, and the only way the people of Atlanta can hope once more to live in peace and quiet at home, is to stop the war.” For now the civilians have to leave, “until the mad passions of men cool down.” In the end, between the 11th and 20th some 446 families, totaling about 1,600 people, are evacuated in an orderly fashion. Not only forced to abandon their homes, most of them have to leave behind nearly all their possessions.

At Lovejoy’s Station, General Hood demands that President Davis remove his army’s most experienced corps commander, General Hardee, whom Hood dislikes and blames for the debacles around Atlanta.


In Orange, New Jersey, Major General George B. McClellan formally accepts the Democratic nomination for President by a letter to the official notification committee. McClellan disavows the so-called “peace plank” in the Democratic platform. “The Union is the one condition of peace,” he says, and he emphasizes that cessation of hostilities should hinge on the re-establishment of the Union. The platform demands that “immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities,” looking toward a convention or other means of restoring the Union.


Only two light skirmishes near Hornersville and Gayoso, Missouri, are recorded for the day. A Federal army-navy expedition destroys 55 furnaces at Salt House Point on Mobile Bay.