- 10 Oct 2005 12:40
#730646
Via Email; by a friend. Convincing argument.
You need only to pick through all Trotsky's leftwing
verbiage to get what he's really saying. So here's an
analysis of his murkey language:
1. He says he used to believe in assimilation of the
Jews. But, "The historic development of the last
quarter of a century [that is, 1912-1937] has not
confirmed this perspective. Decaying capitalism has
everywhere swung over to an exacerbated nationalism,
one part of which is anti-semitism. . . . [meanwhile]
the Jews of different countries have created their
press and developed the Yiddish language as an
instrument adapted to modern culture. One must
therefore reckon with the fact that the Jewish nation
will maintain itself for an entire epoch to come. Now
the nation cannot normally exist without a common
territory. Zionism springs from this very idea."
2. But because of the conflict in Palestine, Trotsky
says, Zionism under capitalism has proven unable to
solve the Jewish question, i.e., it cannot fulfill
this need for a territorial solution to the Jewish
question.
3. BUT worldwide socialist revolution CAN fulfil the
Zionist dream, says Trotsky: "Socialism will open the
possibility of great migrations on the basis of the
most developed technique and culture. It goes without
saying that what is here involved is not compulsory
displacements, that is, the creation of new ghettos
for certain nationalities, but displacements freely
consented to, or rather demanded by certain
nationalities or parts of nationalities. The
dispersed Jews who would want to be reassembled in the
same community will find a sufficiently extensive and
rich spot under the sun. The same possibility will be
opened for the Arabs, as for all other scattered
nations. National topography will become a part of the
planned economy. This is the grand historical
perspective that I envisage. To work for international
socialism means also to work for the solution of the
Jewish question."
Trotsky made this clearer in his article "Thermidore
and Anti-semitism of 1937":
"Are we not correct in saying that a world socialist
federation will have to make possible the creation of
a Biro-bidjan for those Jews who wish to have their
own autonomous republic as the arena for their own
culture?
"It may be presumed that a socialist democracy will
not resort to compulsory assimilation. It may very
well be that within two or three generations the
boundaries of an independent Jewish republic, as of
many other national regions, will be erased. I have
neither time nor desire to meditate on this. Our
descendants will know better than we what to do. I
have in minda transitional historical period when the
Jewish ?question? as such, is still acute and demands
adequate measures from a world federation of workers?
states.
"The very same methods of solving the Jewish question
which under decaying capitalism have a utopian and
reactionary character (Zionism) will, under the regime
of a socialist federation, take on a real and salutary
meaning. This is what I want to point out."
Thus, while formally denouncing Zionism as "utopian
and reactionary", Trotsky says that under socialism
the "very same methods of solving the Jewish question"
as used by the Zionists will become "real and
salutary."
Thus Trotsky set himself in opposition to real
existing Zionism, but incorporated an ideal Zionism
into his version of socialism!
For Jews, in fact, what Trotsky is saying boils dow
to: if you want Zionism, then fight for socialism to
get it!
To me it would be hopeless pedantry to say that Jewish
national territorial "self-determination" can only be
called Zionism under capitalism, but under socialism
it should be called something else and would be
entirely okay.
Therefore, I can't describe Trotsky's views as
anything other than Zionist, even if he avoided using
that term himself. Furthermore, he specifically
referred to the Jews as a nation in a context where
the implications of that are quite clear. Therefore,
it seems evident that he considered himself a "Jew" in
keeping with that (pseudo-)national definition.
Thus, describing Trotsky as a "Zionist Jew" at least
in the last years of his life, is a based entirely on
Trotsky's own writing.
The Fourth International, December 1945, pp. 377-379
?On the Jewish Problem? by Leon Trotsky.
We publish herewith four statements by Trotsky during
the last years of his life expressing his views on the
Jewish question. The first is in the form of an
interview given to correspondents of the Jewish press
upon his arrival in Mexico. The second is an excerpt
from an article on ?Thermidor and Anti-Semitism?
written in 1937. The third is a letter which Trotsky
addressed to the Jews menaced by the mounting wave of
anti-semitism and fascism in the United States,
calling upon them to support the revolutionary
struggle of the Fourth International as the only road
to their salvation. The fourth statement is from the
archives of Leon Trotsky.
· * *
- I -
Before trying to answer your questions I ought to warn
you that unfortunately I have not had the opportunity
to learn the Jewish language, which moreover has been
developed only since I became an adult. I have not
had, and I do not have the possibility of following
the Jewish press, which prevents me from giving a
precise opinion on the different aspects of so
important and tragic a problem. I cannot therefore
claim any special authority in replying to your
questions. Nevertheless I am going to try and say
what I think about it.
During my youth I rather leaned toward the prognosis
that the Jews of different countries would be
assimilated and that the Jewish question would thus
disappear in a quasi-automatic fashion. The historic
development of the last quarter of a century has not
confirmed this perspective. Decaying capitalism has
everywhere swung over to an exacerbated nationalism,
one part of which is anti-semitism. The Jewish
question has loomed largest in the most highly
developed capitalist country of Europe, in Germany.
On the other hand the Jews of different countries have
created their press and developed the Yiddish language
as an instrument adapted to modern culture. One must
therefore reckon with the fact that the Jewish nation
will maintain itself for an entire epoch to come. Now
the nation cannot normally exist without a common
territory. Zionism springs from this very idea. But
the facts of every passing day demonstrate to us that
Zionism is incapable of resolving the Jewish question.
The conflict between the Jews and Arabs in Palestine
acquires a more and more tragic and more and more
menacing character. I do not at all believe that the
Jewish question can be resolved within the framework
of rotting capitalism and under the control of British
imperialism.
And how, you ask me, can socialism solve this
question? On this point I can but offer hypotheses.
Once socialism has become master of our planet or at
least of its most important sections, it will have
unimaginable resources in all domains. Human history
has witnessed the epoch of great migrations on the
basis of barbarism. Socialism will open the
possibility of great migrations on the basis of the
most developed technique and culture. It goes without
saying that what is here involved is not compulsory
displacements, that is, the creation of new ghettos
for certain nationalities, but displacements freely
consented to, or rather demanded by certain
nationalities or parts of nationalities. The
dispersed Jews who would want to be reassembled in the
same community will find sufficiently extensive and
rich spot under the sun. The same possibility will be
opened for the Arabs, as for all other scattered
nations. National topography will become a part of the
planned economy. This is the grand historical
perspective that I envisage. To work for international
socialism means also to work for the solution of the
Jewish question.
You ask me if the Jewish question still exists in the
USSR. Yes, it exists, just as the Ukrainian, the
Georgian, even the Russian questions exist there. The
omnipotent bureaucracy stifles the development of
national culture just as it does the whole of culture.
Worse still, the country of the great proletarian
revolution is now passing through a period of profound
reaction. If the revolutionary wave revived the
finest sentiments of human solidarity, the
Thermidorian reaction has stirred up all that is low,
dark and backward in this agglomeration of 170 million
people. To reinforce its domination the bureaucracy
does not even hesitate to resort in a scarcely
camouflaged manner to chauvinistic tendencies, above
all to anti-semitic ones. The latest Moscow trial,
for example, was staged with the hardly concealed
design of presenting internationalists as faithless
and lawless Jews who are capable of selling themselves
to the German Gestapo.
Since 1925 and above all since 1926, anti-semitic
demagogy, well camouflaged, unattackable, goes hand in
hand with symbolic trials against avowed pogromists.
You ask me if the old Jewish petty bourgeoisie in the
USSR has been socially assimilated by the new soviet
environment. I am indeed at a loss as to give you a
clear reply. The social and national statistics in
the USSR are extremely tendencious. They do not serve
to set forth the truth, but above all glorify the
leaders, the chiefs, the creators of happiness. An
important part of the Jewish petty bourgeoisie has
been absorbed by the formidable apparatuses of the
state, industry, commerce, the cooperatives, etc.,
above all in their lower and middle layers. This fact
engenders an anti-semitic state of feeling and the
leaders manipulate it with a cunning skill in order to
canalize and direct especially against the Jews the
existing discontent against the bureaucracy.
On Biro-bidjan I can give you no more than my personal
evaluations. I am not acquainted with this region and
still less with the condition s in which the Jews have
settle there. In any case it can be no more than a
very limited experience. The USSR alone would still
be too poor to resolve its own Jewish question, even
under a regime much more socialist than the present
one. The Jewish question, I repeat, is indissolubly
bound up with the complete emancipation of humanity.
Everything else that is done in this domain can only
be a palliative and often even a two-edged blade, as
the example of Palestine shows.
January 18, 1937.
- II -
Some would-be ?pundits? have accused me of ?suddenly?
raising the ?Jewish question? and of intending to
create some kind of ghetto for the Jews. I can only
shrug my shoulders in pity. I have lived my whole life
outside of Jewish circles. I have always worked in
the Russian workers movement. My native tongue is
Russian. Unfortunately, I have not even learned to
read Jewish. The Jewish question, therefore, has never
occupied the center of my attention.
But that does not mean that I have the right to be
blind to the Jewish problem which exists and demands a
solution. ?The friends of the USSR? are satisfied
with the creation of Brio-bidjan. I will not stop at
this point to consider whether it was built on a sound
foundation and what type of regime existed there
(Biro-bidjan cannot help reflecting all the vices of
bureaucratic despotism). But not a single progressive
thinking individual will object to the USSR
designating a special territory for those of its
citizens who feel themselves to be Jews, who use the
Jewish language in preference to all others, and who
wish to live as a compact mass.
Is this or is this not a ghetto? During the period of
Soviet democracy, of completely voluntary migration,
there could be no talk of ghettoes. But the Jewish
question and the very manner in which settlements of
Jews occurred, assumes an international aspect. Are
we not correct in saying that a world socialist
federation will have to make possible the creation of
a Biro-bidjan for those Jews who wish to have their
own autonomous republic as the arena for their own
culture?
It may be presumed that a socialist democracy will not
resort to compulsory assimilation. It may very well
be that within two or three generations the boundaries
of an independent Jewish republic, as of many other
national regions, will be erased. I have neither time
nor desire to meditate on this. Our descendants will
know better than we what to do. I have in minda
transitional historical period when the Jewish
?question? as such, is still acute and demands
adequate measures from a world federation of workers?
states.
The very same methods of solving the Jewish question
which under decaying capitalism have a utopian and
reactionary character (Zionism) will, under the regime
of a socialist federation, take on a real and salutary
meaning. This is what I want to point out. How could
any Marxist or even any consistent democrat object to
this?
1937
· * *
- III -
Dear Friend:
Father Coughlin, who apparently tries to demonstrate
that the absolute idealistic moral does not prevent
man from being the greatest rascal, has declared over
the radio that in the past I received enormous sums of
money for the revolution from the Jewish bourgeoisie
in the United States. I have already answered in the
press that this is false. I did not receive such
money, not, of course, because I would have refused
financial support for the revolution, but because the
Jewish bourgeoisie did not offer this support. The
Jewish bourgeoisie remains true to the principle: not
to give, even now when its head is concerned.
Suffocating in its own contradictions, capitalism
directs enraged blows against the Jews, moreover a
part of these blows fall upon the Jewish bourgeoisie
in spite of all its past ?service? for capitalism.
Measures of a philanthropical nature for refugees
become less and less efficacious in comparison with
the gigantic dimension of the evil burdening the
Jewish people.
Now it is the turn of France. The victory of fascism
in this country would signify a vast strengthening of
reaction, and a monstrous growth of violent
anti-semitism in all the world, above all in the
United States. The number of countries able to accept
them decreases. At the same time the exacerbation of
the struggle intensifies. It is possible to imagine
without difficulty what awaits the Jews at the mere
outbreak of the future world war. But even without
war the next development of world reaction signifies
with certainty the physical extermination of the Jews.
Palestine appears a tragic mirage, Biro-bidjan a
bureaucratic farce. The Kremlin refuses to accept
refugees. The ?anti-fascist? congresses of old ladies
and young careerists do not have the slightest
importance. Now more than ever, the fate of the
Jewish people ? not only their political but also
their physical fate ? is indissolubly linked with the
emancipating struggle of the international
proletariat. Only audacious mobilization of the
workers against reaction, creation of workers?
militia, direct physical resistance to the fascist
gangs, increasing self-confidence, activity and
audacity on the part of all the oppressed can provoke
a change in the relation of forces, stop the world
wave of fascism, and open a new chapter in the history
of mankind.
The Fourth International was the first to proclaim the
danger of fascism and to indicate the way of
salvation. The Fourth International calls upon the
Jewish popular masses not to delude themselves but to
face openly the menacing reality. Salvation lies only
in revolutionary struggle. The ?sinews? of
revolutionary struggle, as of war, are funds. With
the progressive and perspicacious elements of the
Jewish people rests the obligation to come to the help
of the revolutionary vanguard. Time presses. A day
is now equivalent to a month or even to a year. That
thou doest, do quickly!
December 22, 1938.
- IV ?
The attempt to solve the Jewish question through the
migration of Jews to Palestine can now be seen for
what it is, a tragic mockery of the Jewish people.
Interested in winning the sympathies of the Arabs who
are more numerous than the Jews, the British
government has sharply altered its policy toward the
Jews, and has actually renounced its promise to help
them found their ?own home? in a foreign land. The
future development of military events may well
transform Palestine into a bloody trap for several
hundred thousand Jews. Never was it so clear as it is
today that the salvation of the Jewish people is bound
up inseparably with the overthrow of the capitalist
system.
July, 1940.
You need only to pick through all Trotsky's leftwing
verbiage to get what he's really saying. So here's an
analysis of his murkey language:
1. He says he used to believe in assimilation of the
Jews. But, "The historic development of the last
quarter of a century [that is, 1912-1937] has not
confirmed this perspective. Decaying capitalism has
everywhere swung over to an exacerbated nationalism,
one part of which is anti-semitism. . . . [meanwhile]
the Jews of different countries have created their
press and developed the Yiddish language as an
instrument adapted to modern culture. One must
therefore reckon with the fact that the Jewish nation
will maintain itself for an entire epoch to come. Now
the nation cannot normally exist without a common
territory. Zionism springs from this very idea."
2. But because of the conflict in Palestine, Trotsky
says, Zionism under capitalism has proven unable to
solve the Jewish question, i.e., it cannot fulfill
this need for a territorial solution to the Jewish
question.
3. BUT worldwide socialist revolution CAN fulfil the
Zionist dream, says Trotsky: "Socialism will open the
possibility of great migrations on the basis of the
most developed technique and culture. It goes without
saying that what is here involved is not compulsory
displacements, that is, the creation of new ghettos
for certain nationalities, but displacements freely
consented to, or rather demanded by certain
nationalities or parts of nationalities. The
dispersed Jews who would want to be reassembled in the
same community will find a sufficiently extensive and
rich spot under the sun. The same possibility will be
opened for the Arabs, as for all other scattered
nations. National topography will become a part of the
planned economy. This is the grand historical
perspective that I envisage. To work for international
socialism means also to work for the solution of the
Jewish question."
Trotsky made this clearer in his article "Thermidore
and Anti-semitism of 1937":
"Are we not correct in saying that a world socialist
federation will have to make possible the creation of
a Biro-bidjan for those Jews who wish to have their
own autonomous republic as the arena for their own
culture?
"It may be presumed that a socialist democracy will
not resort to compulsory assimilation. It may very
well be that within two or three generations the
boundaries of an independent Jewish republic, as of
many other national regions, will be erased. I have
neither time nor desire to meditate on this. Our
descendants will know better than we what to do. I
have in minda transitional historical period when the
Jewish ?question? as such, is still acute and demands
adequate measures from a world federation of workers?
states.
"The very same methods of solving the Jewish question
which under decaying capitalism have a utopian and
reactionary character (Zionism) will, under the regime
of a socialist federation, take on a real and salutary
meaning. This is what I want to point out."
Thus, while formally denouncing Zionism as "utopian
and reactionary", Trotsky says that under socialism
the "very same methods of solving the Jewish question"
as used by the Zionists will become "real and
salutary."
Thus Trotsky set himself in opposition to real
existing Zionism, but incorporated an ideal Zionism
into his version of socialism!
For Jews, in fact, what Trotsky is saying boils dow
to: if you want Zionism, then fight for socialism to
get it!
To me it would be hopeless pedantry to say that Jewish
national territorial "self-determination" can only be
called Zionism under capitalism, but under socialism
it should be called something else and would be
entirely okay.
Therefore, I can't describe Trotsky's views as
anything other than Zionist, even if he avoided using
that term himself. Furthermore, he specifically
referred to the Jews as a nation in a context where
the implications of that are quite clear. Therefore,
it seems evident that he considered himself a "Jew" in
keeping with that (pseudo-)national definition.
Thus, describing Trotsky as a "Zionist Jew" at least
in the last years of his life, is a based entirely on
Trotsky's own writing.
The Fourth International, December 1945, pp. 377-379
?On the Jewish Problem? by Leon Trotsky.
We publish herewith four statements by Trotsky during
the last years of his life expressing his views on the
Jewish question. The first is in the form of an
interview given to correspondents of the Jewish press
upon his arrival in Mexico. The second is an excerpt
from an article on ?Thermidor and Anti-Semitism?
written in 1937. The third is a letter which Trotsky
addressed to the Jews menaced by the mounting wave of
anti-semitism and fascism in the United States,
calling upon them to support the revolutionary
struggle of the Fourth International as the only road
to their salvation. The fourth statement is from the
archives of Leon Trotsky.
· * *
- I -
Before trying to answer your questions I ought to warn
you that unfortunately I have not had the opportunity
to learn the Jewish language, which moreover has been
developed only since I became an adult. I have not
had, and I do not have the possibility of following
the Jewish press, which prevents me from giving a
precise opinion on the different aspects of so
important and tragic a problem. I cannot therefore
claim any special authority in replying to your
questions. Nevertheless I am going to try and say
what I think about it.
During my youth I rather leaned toward the prognosis
that the Jews of different countries would be
assimilated and that the Jewish question would thus
disappear in a quasi-automatic fashion. The historic
development of the last quarter of a century has not
confirmed this perspective. Decaying capitalism has
everywhere swung over to an exacerbated nationalism,
one part of which is anti-semitism. The Jewish
question has loomed largest in the most highly
developed capitalist country of Europe, in Germany.
On the other hand the Jews of different countries have
created their press and developed the Yiddish language
as an instrument adapted to modern culture. One must
therefore reckon with the fact that the Jewish nation
will maintain itself for an entire epoch to come. Now
the nation cannot normally exist without a common
territory. Zionism springs from this very idea. But
the facts of every passing day demonstrate to us that
Zionism is incapable of resolving the Jewish question.
The conflict between the Jews and Arabs in Palestine
acquires a more and more tragic and more and more
menacing character. I do not at all believe that the
Jewish question can be resolved within the framework
of rotting capitalism and under the control of British
imperialism.
And how, you ask me, can socialism solve this
question? On this point I can but offer hypotheses.
Once socialism has become master of our planet or at
least of its most important sections, it will have
unimaginable resources in all domains. Human history
has witnessed the epoch of great migrations on the
basis of barbarism. Socialism will open the
possibility of great migrations on the basis of the
most developed technique and culture. It goes without
saying that what is here involved is not compulsory
displacements, that is, the creation of new ghettos
for certain nationalities, but displacements freely
consented to, or rather demanded by certain
nationalities or parts of nationalities. The
dispersed Jews who would want to be reassembled in the
same community will find sufficiently extensive and
rich spot under the sun. The same possibility will be
opened for the Arabs, as for all other scattered
nations. National topography will become a part of the
planned economy. This is the grand historical
perspective that I envisage. To work for international
socialism means also to work for the solution of the
Jewish question.
You ask me if the Jewish question still exists in the
USSR. Yes, it exists, just as the Ukrainian, the
Georgian, even the Russian questions exist there. The
omnipotent bureaucracy stifles the development of
national culture just as it does the whole of culture.
Worse still, the country of the great proletarian
revolution is now passing through a period of profound
reaction. If the revolutionary wave revived the
finest sentiments of human solidarity, the
Thermidorian reaction has stirred up all that is low,
dark and backward in this agglomeration of 170 million
people. To reinforce its domination the bureaucracy
does not even hesitate to resort in a scarcely
camouflaged manner to chauvinistic tendencies, above
all to anti-semitic ones. The latest Moscow trial,
for example, was staged with the hardly concealed
design of presenting internationalists as faithless
and lawless Jews who are capable of selling themselves
to the German Gestapo.
Since 1925 and above all since 1926, anti-semitic
demagogy, well camouflaged, unattackable, goes hand in
hand with symbolic trials against avowed pogromists.
You ask me if the old Jewish petty bourgeoisie in the
USSR has been socially assimilated by the new soviet
environment. I am indeed at a loss as to give you a
clear reply. The social and national statistics in
the USSR are extremely tendencious. They do not serve
to set forth the truth, but above all glorify the
leaders, the chiefs, the creators of happiness. An
important part of the Jewish petty bourgeoisie has
been absorbed by the formidable apparatuses of the
state, industry, commerce, the cooperatives, etc.,
above all in their lower and middle layers. This fact
engenders an anti-semitic state of feeling and the
leaders manipulate it with a cunning skill in order to
canalize and direct especially against the Jews the
existing discontent against the bureaucracy.
On Biro-bidjan I can give you no more than my personal
evaluations. I am not acquainted with this region and
still less with the condition s in which the Jews have
settle there. In any case it can be no more than a
very limited experience. The USSR alone would still
be too poor to resolve its own Jewish question, even
under a regime much more socialist than the present
one. The Jewish question, I repeat, is indissolubly
bound up with the complete emancipation of humanity.
Everything else that is done in this domain can only
be a palliative and often even a two-edged blade, as
the example of Palestine shows.
January 18, 1937.
- II -
Some would-be ?pundits? have accused me of ?suddenly?
raising the ?Jewish question? and of intending to
create some kind of ghetto for the Jews. I can only
shrug my shoulders in pity. I have lived my whole life
outside of Jewish circles. I have always worked in
the Russian workers movement. My native tongue is
Russian. Unfortunately, I have not even learned to
read Jewish. The Jewish question, therefore, has never
occupied the center of my attention.
But that does not mean that I have the right to be
blind to the Jewish problem which exists and demands a
solution. ?The friends of the USSR? are satisfied
with the creation of Brio-bidjan. I will not stop at
this point to consider whether it was built on a sound
foundation and what type of regime existed there
(Biro-bidjan cannot help reflecting all the vices of
bureaucratic despotism). But not a single progressive
thinking individual will object to the USSR
designating a special territory for those of its
citizens who feel themselves to be Jews, who use the
Jewish language in preference to all others, and who
wish to live as a compact mass.
Is this or is this not a ghetto? During the period of
Soviet democracy, of completely voluntary migration,
there could be no talk of ghettoes. But the Jewish
question and the very manner in which settlements of
Jews occurred, assumes an international aspect. Are
we not correct in saying that a world socialist
federation will have to make possible the creation of
a Biro-bidjan for those Jews who wish to have their
own autonomous republic as the arena for their own
culture?
It may be presumed that a socialist democracy will not
resort to compulsory assimilation. It may very well
be that within two or three generations the boundaries
of an independent Jewish republic, as of many other
national regions, will be erased. I have neither time
nor desire to meditate on this. Our descendants will
know better than we what to do. I have in minda
transitional historical period when the Jewish
?question? as such, is still acute and demands
adequate measures from a world federation of workers?
states.
The very same methods of solving the Jewish question
which under decaying capitalism have a utopian and
reactionary character (Zionism) will, under the regime
of a socialist federation, take on a real and salutary
meaning. This is what I want to point out. How could
any Marxist or even any consistent democrat object to
this?
1937
· * *
- III -
Dear Friend:
Father Coughlin, who apparently tries to demonstrate
that the absolute idealistic moral does not prevent
man from being the greatest rascal, has declared over
the radio that in the past I received enormous sums of
money for the revolution from the Jewish bourgeoisie
in the United States. I have already answered in the
press that this is false. I did not receive such
money, not, of course, because I would have refused
financial support for the revolution, but because the
Jewish bourgeoisie did not offer this support. The
Jewish bourgeoisie remains true to the principle: not
to give, even now when its head is concerned.
Suffocating in its own contradictions, capitalism
directs enraged blows against the Jews, moreover a
part of these blows fall upon the Jewish bourgeoisie
in spite of all its past ?service? for capitalism.
Measures of a philanthropical nature for refugees
become less and less efficacious in comparison with
the gigantic dimension of the evil burdening the
Jewish people.
Now it is the turn of France. The victory of fascism
in this country would signify a vast strengthening of
reaction, and a monstrous growth of violent
anti-semitism in all the world, above all in the
United States. The number of countries able to accept
them decreases. At the same time the exacerbation of
the struggle intensifies. It is possible to imagine
without difficulty what awaits the Jews at the mere
outbreak of the future world war. But even without
war the next development of world reaction signifies
with certainty the physical extermination of the Jews.
Palestine appears a tragic mirage, Biro-bidjan a
bureaucratic farce. The Kremlin refuses to accept
refugees. The ?anti-fascist? congresses of old ladies
and young careerists do not have the slightest
importance. Now more than ever, the fate of the
Jewish people ? not only their political but also
their physical fate ? is indissolubly linked with the
emancipating struggle of the international
proletariat. Only audacious mobilization of the
workers against reaction, creation of workers?
militia, direct physical resistance to the fascist
gangs, increasing self-confidence, activity and
audacity on the part of all the oppressed can provoke
a change in the relation of forces, stop the world
wave of fascism, and open a new chapter in the history
of mankind.
The Fourth International was the first to proclaim the
danger of fascism and to indicate the way of
salvation. The Fourth International calls upon the
Jewish popular masses not to delude themselves but to
face openly the menacing reality. Salvation lies only
in revolutionary struggle. The ?sinews? of
revolutionary struggle, as of war, are funds. With
the progressive and perspicacious elements of the
Jewish people rests the obligation to come to the help
of the revolutionary vanguard. Time presses. A day
is now equivalent to a month or even to a year. That
thou doest, do quickly!
December 22, 1938.
- IV ?
The attempt to solve the Jewish question through the
migration of Jews to Palestine can now be seen for
what it is, a tragic mockery of the Jewish people.
Interested in winning the sympathies of the Arabs who
are more numerous than the Jews, the British
government has sharply altered its policy toward the
Jews, and has actually renounced its promise to help
them found their ?own home? in a foreign land. The
future development of military events may well
transform Palestine into a bloody trap for several
hundred thousand Jews. Never was it so clear as it is
today that the salvation of the Jewish people is bound
up inseparably with the overthrow of the capitalist
system.
July, 1940.