Albert wrote:Strictly going by definition of rape culture they are participating. This is where it makes it all that harder to define rape culture as given to us by feminist. As by that definition it would come to be that some women actually want rape culture.
Then I imagine the task isn't simply that of consent, which does designate the difference between whether some interactions are morally permissible and or wrong but also to make a ethical and normative standard that expresses why it's wrong even if a woman experiences it in a positive way.
https://aifs.gov.au/publications/conceptual-understandings-and-prevalence-sexual-harassment-and-street-harassmFurther, the nature of the relationship between the harasser and victim can also influence whether a behaviour is interpreted as harassment or not. Participants in Bursik and Gefter's (2011) study were "more likely to label the behavioural interaction as sexual harassment when there was power inequality between the harasser and the target" (p. 343).
It is likely that the form the harassing behaviour takes will also influence how the recipient of the behaviour interprets it. As noted above, definitions of sexual harassment and street harassment are broad and inclusive. Some forms of this harassment have the scope to be interpreted in a range of ways by women. For example, Kissling (1991) purported that "many women read street remarks as a form of compliment, carefully distinguishing them from obscene or violent street harassment" (p. 452). However, it is also likely that many other women would not interpret the same remarks in a positive light. This variation in how street harassment is experienced by women adds to the complexity of attempting to conceptualise harassment as a form of sexual harm, and in knowing how to best respond to this behaviour. The intentions of the harasser may also vary, ranging from an intended "compliment" through to a purposeful attempt to harass, harm and/or intimidate their target (Kissling, 1991).
However, all of these forms of sexual harassment are interconnected, regardless of intent or the way they are experienced by the recipient, as "the remarks serve multiple functions of social control" (Kissling, 1991, p. 455). Kissling denoted this harassment as a form of "sexual terrorism", which serves to remind women of their status as sexual objects, and "of their vulnerability to these and other violations" (p. 455). It is here that the interconnections between sexual harassment and more severe forms of sexual violence are most apparent. Firstly, sexual harassment functions as a reminder to women of the threat or possibility of something "more serious" occurring, therefore rendering women as sexually vulnerable (Crouch, 2009; Kissling, 1991; Laniya, 2005; Macmillan et al., 2000; Tuerkheimer, 1997). Secondly, both sexual harassment and sexual violence remove women's sexual and bodily autonomy (MacKinnon, 1979), curtail women's behaviour, and are used to threaten, intimidate, and harm women.
To emphasize how catcalling functions in this way it's useful to consider the nature of the interaction.
To which I think the emphasis of catcalling as characterized by being
unidirectional rather than a mutual interaction is clear, in that flirting is qualitatively different to harassment in function typically and character.
p. 96One can sexually objectify a woman simply by thinking about her in a certain way; the woman need not be aware that she has been objectified for it to be the case that she has been. If this were all objectification amounted to, it would not nearly be nearly as morally problematic. But Bartky points out that this is not usually the way things go. She describes an experience of sexual harassment not unlike Native Companion's, that of enduring the catcalls and whistles of strange men:
While it is true that for these men I am nothing but, let us say, a "nice piece of ass," there is more involved in this encounter than their mere fragmented perception of me. They could, after all, have enjoyed me in silence. Blissfully unaware, breasts bouncing, eyes on the birds in the trees, I could have passed by without having been turned to stone. But I must be made to know that I am a "nice piece of ass": I must be made to see myself as they see me. ...It is unclear what role is played by sexual arousal or even spontatenous connoisseurship in encounters like these. What I describe seems less the spontatenous expression of a healthy eroticism than a ritual of subjugation.
Here it's not even just the content of the words, but the function of the interaction that is pivotal.
A person shouting out appraisals of someone even with the charitable interpretation of complimenting engages them not in a respectful way of first seeing if they're willing to communicate and doing so, which would signify a more genuine interest of interaction compared to merely shouting out things to them.
So the idea then becomes what can be the function of yelling out appraisals? To at the very minimal have women considered in terms being reduced to their appearances and not worthwhile standards of a respectful interaction.
But I imagine there could be interesting retorts to this position if one can think of them.
Regardless, I don't think men lack the ability to empathize with women's position but rather choose to willfully ignore it, when pressed into the subject position of women, they may readily recognize the discomfort of such a position. So not in terms of themselves in the position, but as a woman.
Sexual Harassment and Masculinity The Power and Meaning of “Girl Watching”In attemptingto take up the subject position of a woman, these men are necessarily drawing on knowledge they already hold. If men simply “don’t get it”—truly failingto see the harm in girl watchingor other more serious acts of sexual harassment—then they should not be able to see this harm when envisioningthemselves as women. What the interviews reveal is that many men—most of whom failed to see the harm of many acts that would constitute the hostile work environment form of sexual harassment—did in fact understand the harm of these acts when forced to consider the position of the targeted woman.
I suggest that the gender reversal scenario produced, in some men at least, a moment of empathy. Empathy, Schwalbe (1992) argued, requires two things. First, one must have some knowledge of the other’s situation and feelings. Second, one must be motivated to take the position of the other. What the present research suggests is that gender differences in interpreting sexual harassment stem not so much from men’s not getting it (a failure of the first element) but from a studied, often compulsory, lack of motivation to identify with women’s experiences.
In his analysis of masculinity and empathy, Schwalbe (1992) argued that the requirements of masculinity necessitate a “narrowingof the moral self.” Men learn that to effectively perform masculinity and to protect a masculine identity, they must, in many instances, ignore a woman’s pain and obscure her viewpoint. Men fail to exhibit empathy with women because masculinity precludes them from takingthe position of the feminine other, and men’s moral stance vis-à-vis women is attenuated by this lack of empathy
As a case study, Schwalbe (1992) considered the Thomas-Hill hearings, concludingthat the examiningsenators maintained a masculinist stance that precluded them from giving serious consideration to Professor Hill’s claims. A consequence of this masculine moral narrowingis that “charges of sexual harassment . . . are often seen as exaggerated or as fabricated out of misunderstanding or spite” (Schwalbe 1992, 46). Thus, gender differences in interpreting sexually harassing behaviors may stem more from acts of ignoring than states of ignorance.
The paper above is in regards to men bonding over leering at women in the workplace.
https://www.ethicalpolitics.org/ablunden/pdfs/For%20Ethical%20Politics.pdf#page90
-For Ethical Politics