Husky wrote:But Eran, what would compel an anarchy to have "certain norms to be stable"?
The question of how norms are adopted and evolve within societies is a complex one.
What has caused the adoption and strengthening of democratic norms in growing parts of today's world?
In part, it is the perception that such norms are pragmatic and helpful, strengthened by widely-known and regarded success stories and/or high prestige adopters.
Thus a highly successful anarchy (e.g. seasteading, or a free city), together with the imminent collapse of state-capitalism could lead the way.
My point isn't that anarchy is inevitable or even likely. Nobody, a few hundred years ago, could have said the same about parliamentary democracy, today globally entrenched as a virtual monopoly in the world of legitimate political systems.
Rather, my point is that
once ideological conditions have been established, an anarchy can be as stable as a democracy.
My main, almost knee-jerk reaction to anarchy that I cannot wrap my head around is, as AFAIK neatly described in that scenario, The chance of protection agencies or powerful landlords becoming a de facto government seems very high.
I will try to answer that concern in three stages:
a. Establish that norms are indispensable for the stability of sophisticated political systems including both anarchy and constitutional democracy. Constitutional democracy, especially in countries such as the US in which there is also a written document called "Constitution", deceptively appear to rely in their stability on the existence of that document. That is an illusion. Constitutional democracies work well without a written constitution (UK), while perfectly-worded constitutions fail to guarantee the stability, as a liberal democracy, of many a regime.
b. Establish that the norm of using the NAP as the constitutional basis for the institutionalised use of force in society would lead to a stable anarchy, and
c. Exploring the range of norms common within historic societies, establish that the NAP norm is easily within the range of norms that one can expect human societies to adopt, differentiating it from utopian preconditions of pure communism, for example.
Questions along the lines of "why doesn't the President take over" are aimed at establishing (a) above, namely the indispensability of supportive norms for the continued stable existence of other forms of government, focusing on the one we are most familiar with, namely constitutional democracy.
It is easy to answer the question in terms of a concrete chain of reasoning by decision-makers. But consistently, that chain of reasoning will rely, time and again, on the democratic norm being strongly and widely established within society, from its academics and intellectuals to its foot-soldiers.
To be fair to an anarchy, then, we must explore the incentives and constraints that its decision-makers face. We can rely on the familiar constitutional democracy as a starting point, with arguments along the lines of (1) X is more likely in a democracy than in an anarchy, (2) X is generally considered highly unlikely in a democracy, (3) therefore, X is going to be even less likely in an anarchy.
There is a clause in the US constitution that allows the President to suspend habeas corpus during a rebellion or invasion. I believe Lincoln suspended the entire document during the civil war.
Indeed. And under a severe state of emergency (e.g. widespread pandemic), it is easy to see civil liberties being temporarily suspended. One can even see that temporary state of affairs become established long-term.
Absent such unusual state of emergency, however, you'd agree with me that a coup scenario by an elected President would appear inconceivable to most Americans.
Yet comparing the position, incentives, character, constraints and temptations of a President to that of, say, the CEO of a private military force or large, national enforcement agency, easily shows that a President (acting within a society in which the Constitution is the fundamental political norm) is much more likely to usurp power illegitimately than a CEO (acting within a society in which the NAP is similarly the fundamental political norm).
Free men are not equal and equal men are not free.
Government is not the solution. Government is the problem.