First and foremost the deliberative democratic practice is not primarily about voting. It's about public deliberation. And so having meetings where communities come together to discuss matters that concern them is essential, more essential than necessarily coming to a final resolution.
That makes my problem even bigger.
Here is the issue.
When a collection of people goes beyond a certain size (perhaps a few dozens), the impact that an average person can make, either through voting or through participating in deliberation) is very small. Consequently, most people will not be willing to invest much time or effort in such efforts. Voting, at least, has the advantage of being quick and cheap. Your deliberative institutions seem very time-consuming. Why would you expect people to bother?
And, on the flip side, what protects consumers from those great corporate powers is the government, e.g. food safety regulations.
Not so.
Consumers don't need regulatory protection when they are free to choose what they want to consume. If consumers decline to purchase unsafe food (or, to be precise, food of unknown level of safety), corporations will have no reason to offer it.
What government regulations do,
always, is to reduce the range of options open to consumers. When product X is prohibited, this is of no help to consumers who were never obliged to purchase product X to begin with. It is detrimental in those cases in which a particular consumer, for his or her own reasons, may wish to purchase a product disapproved by regulators.
Exactly the same holds with respect to the labour market. No worker is required to take any particular job offer. At market-clearing wages, employers are precisely as eager to secure the employment of the best available workers as those workers are to obtain employment.
Without a government, I would imagine that the great corporate enterprises would be forced into even tighter collusion. They would basically form their own quasi-government, only now without any access from the public.
That never successfully happened. There are always "cheats" that take advantage of opportunities to work outside the cartel.
Other than government itself, it is labour unions that represent the greatest cartelization risk.
You define aggression solely in terms of the NAP--which pays no attention to context. So long as we have contracts, any kind of agreement is OK. It does not matter if one side has all the power of capital and the other side has nothing but their labor power.
Actually, the less equal the power of the sides, the more important the NAP is.
Amongst equals, people can easily protect their property.
It is precisely when one side is (potentially) much more powerful that norms protecting people's property become so important.
You seem to labour under the illusion that government is more likely to help the poor over the strong. In fact, it is invariably the other way around. A revolution might change the identity of the weak and the strong, but not the universal fact that governments tend to help the latter take advantage of the former.
You on the right believe in a community where everybody has a voluntary right to appropriate what they want personally to the exclusion of others, so long as it is as it does not violate the NAP.
Sure. Where "appropriate" means making use of those resources that
nobody before bothered using. Typically, those are resources of only marginal value. Alternatively, you could mean "appropriate" as in "accept other people's property willingly given". What's wrong with that?
On the left we believe the means of production, the resources, the land, the factories, technology, etc. we all have an equal right to and so are shared. How we operate these means is voluntary and all our actual work is voluntary.
The two sentences are contradictory. If I own a resource (and you don't dispute people's right to own
some things), the first sentence suggests that others have a right to take that resource from me, against my will, if they believe that it is used in certain (peaceful) ways.
That makes this "sharing" involuntary, in contradiction to your second sentence.
I have heard basically two views here on PoFo:
1) The abstract model: you want people to create whatever kind of society they want so long as they voluntarily agree to that.
2) The current system without government--which seems to be nothing but the greatest power grab by private corporations than ever before seen, and entirely negates any realistic attempt for #1. Instead #1 just becomes empty lip service to "freedom".
Then you must have missed my answer to "Describe your perfect nation" (
here).
The model we are proposing is actually fairly radical, and it would be a grave mistake to simplistically assume that it would amount to the current system with government merely disappearing. If I understand correctly, your model is equally radical, and shouldn't be confused with current society with factory ownership merely being transferred to workers.
The NAP, as far as I can tell, simply allows the grossest forms of inequality to exist and thrive by virtue of it being contractual.
Indeed. But it doesn't require inequality. Frankly, we are not that bothered about inequality, and I am not sure why you are.
What we need to concern ourselves with is:
1. The status of the weakest members of society, and
2. The potential for abuse by those with most wealth.
On both points, a society in which the NAP is robustly defended will do much better than the current society.
And if the poorest are doing well, and the wealthiest cannot exploit their wealth to take from others, why should I worry about inequality?
it allows any individual to be able to justify interactions, even over things that are social like the means of production, without having to engage in discourse with others.
There is nothing inherently social about the means of production. As we discussed at length, whether a given resource is used as "means of production" or not is not inherent in the nature of the resource. A knife doesn't become "social" simply because I choose to sell the sandwiches I spread with it, rather than only eat them myself.
As for "discourse with others", that is an essential aspect of the right libertarian society. Contrary to common perception, libertarians anticipate, celebrate and value "discourse with others". A capitalist requires suppliers, workers and customers. And since the capitalist has zero power to force others to work with him (in any of those capacities), he must engage in discourse, negotiations, attempts to keep others happy.
In fact, the radically-voluntary nature of society means that more, not less, discourse is anticipated.
So while a private owner of means of production needs nobody's permission to use his property as he sees fit, the only useful (and therefore likely) use of those resources is through cooperation with others. Others who have ample alternative choices, and will thus only collaborate with you if your offer is sufficiently tempting.
And while the NAP strictly prohibits physical violence it has absolutely nothing to do with the material and economic violence. So I can be aggressive all I want with my property--even though the decisions made about that property may have more of a direct physical effect on you and your community--without even gaining the opinion of those to whom it directly effects.
What do you have in mind when you say "material and economic violence"?
Property relations do not have to be the basis of society, and that seems to be what you have in mind.
Property relations aren't the basis of society. They are the basis of how resources are used within society. Any society.
Property is robbery, when social production is privately controlled and social wealth is privately appropriated, even if based on your utterly abstract "contracts".
In what possible sense is my (1) acquisition of resources that nobody bothered using before me, and (2) offering others a share of the production of those resources, which those others may (but are never obliged to take) is "robbery"?
The rise of capitalism has been nothing but the creation of pools of cheap labor to work for those who will appropriate the social wealth that is produced.
Capitalism didn't produce "pools of cheap labour". Labour is cheap when it doesn't have valuable alternatives. What capitalism did was provide productive avenues for the cheap labour that already existed, thus allowing those workers to enjoy a higher standard of living than they ever could previously.
What we have now, for the first time in history, is the material and technological ability to adequately supply more than the basic needs for everybody in the world, but the social inability to actually make that happen--and worse, the social creation of poverty for over half the world.
Where do you get your ideas?
Most of the people on Earth today see far more than their basic needs being satisfied. The only sense in which poverty is "socially created" is due to wars (internal and external) and government restrictions on freedom.
Wherever peace and (tolerable) economic freedom are found, people (by the millions) are lifted out of poverty.
Again and again, poverty is the default state of humanity. It needs no explanation, nor is it (normally) "created". It is wealth, the unimaginable wealth that we all enjoy in today's society, that requires an explanation.
Free men are not equal and equal men are not free.
Government is not the solution. Government is the problem.