Then link the whole article and I will read it.
The whole article is available. One would think a learned individual would have access to scholarly databases. No, I will not purchase you a subscription. The article is also available on JSTOR, if you have access. No, I will not purchase you a subscription there, either.
That was vague. Can you be more specific?
What was vague? In transitional environments, such as establishing democracy in a previously authoritarian country, or vice versa, human rights violations go up. The countries with the fewest human rights violations, empirically (with human rights violations being only physical integrity rights, and not those rights associated with political or economic freedoms that may, in certain cases, go directly against the definition of the regime, such as a right to vote) are well-established autocracies and well-establish democracies (EG: Sweden (Democratic) and Vietnam (Authoritarian) have fewer physical integrity violations than Nigeria (Authoritarian->Democratic Transitional) or 1959 Iran (Democratic->Authoritarian Transitional)).
This is because of the loss on the monopoly of violence usually held by established governments. Some governments never establish it, and these are usually marked by high degrees of chronic sectarian struggle, or quick but bloody series of coups between dictators.
This happens whether one is transitioning from an authoritarian government to a democratic one (Reign of Terror in early Republican France), or from a democratic one to an authoritarian one (Gleichschaltung in early Nazi Germany). This happens regardless of the ideology of the new regime. An exception occurs if the monopoly of power is not contested in transition. This occurs in societies with institutional processes for the transfer of power (such as Bush to Obama or Khatami Ahmadeinjad) or if the monopoly on violence is retained by an authority without significant protest (Nazi Germany to West Germany, through Allied military force). You cannot use the post-fascist transitions to democracy, at which time a significant Allied military presence gave new governments the monopoly of force, to claim that the previous fascist transitions (where no such presence was available) were somehow marked by high degrees of violence due to the lack of a complete monopoly over violence in those states by the new government, even if in some cases there was an institutional transfer (Hitler, Mussolini), and especially in cases where there was not (Franco). It is worth noting that Hitler and Mussolini's own programs of violence did not begin until they began replacing the institutions that put them in power (The Wiemar Republic or Italian liberal democracy) with their own. In states, furthermore, where a monopoly of violence was supported by fascist military strength, such as the later democratic transition, there is no associated clamp-down of political terror (Vichy France).
Your argument that fascism is associated with high degrees of political violence on the intelligent class, relies on statistics gathered during periods of government transition which do not necessarily translate to established regimes. The power of various members of the professional/intelligence class during the established parts of these reigns, such as the mid-to-late Estado Novo, late Franco Spain, or Vichy France, suggest that any clamp down on these during the early years were for reasons associated with political establishment.
Wikipedia Article Cited by PoD wrote:Fascism combats . . . not intelligence, but intellectualism . . . which is . . . a sickness of the intellect . . . not a consequence of its abuse, because the intellect cannot be used too much . . . it derives from the false belief that one can segregate oneself from life. . . .
I have no problems with attacking a useless academic apparatus that does not contribute to national development or well being, but pretends to have authority over the body politic as a result of abstract intelligence.
Engineering is, by definition, an intelligence associated with praxis, undermining your claim that engineers would be attacked in fascist societies. Perhaps subversive literature professors, or Marxist scholars would be, and frankly, I could care less, and it has little to do with the theme of the thread.
That being said, while I realize your focus is on fascist attacking of intellectuals (to which I have already said is irrelevant as most would classify engineers as professionals specifically because they do non-academic work), that you highlight a few paragraphs in an article thousands of words long as proof of fascists specifically being unable to tolerate an engineer class is ridiculous.