anticlimacus wrote:Neither do I.
...
However, neither do I think I need to in order to make the case that I am making.
Excellent. We have a basis for discussion.
Take for instance moments of intense nationalism (after, say, an attack): people will see complete strangers on the street and feel entirely connected to them simply because they are of the same nationality. The point is that people can associate with others, even if they don't know them personally, if they see that they seem to hold the same background assumptions (cultural and linguistic norms). And there's no reason to assume that part of our background assumptions, including our values, would be that our own good is dependent upon the good of others--why is that so unrealistic?
With the exception of such unusual moments, while we do recognize the good of others as well as ourselves, and are even willing to give up some of our own good for the benefit of others, our willingness to do so is very limited.
So if I have an interest in the good of my syndicate and of my community, why does that necessarily have to trump the interests I have in my family or myself? I think you are attempting drawing a false dichotomy here: we are either self-interested or we are communally-interested. Why can't the both be intertwined, and institutionally structured that way? In other words, we cannot simply deal with our own, say, material well-being without seeking the well-being of our community. To put it crassly, life becomes much more of a team sport as opposed to an individualistic, everybody for themselves, game. This doesn't seem to require any change in human nature whatsoever.
It does, when you considered that decisions are made
on the margin.
Let's explore two scales - self vs. syndicate, and syndicate vs. society at large.
Self vs. SyndicateI work for the syndicate. I am fully aware that my well-being is intertwined with that of the syndicate. I would never choose an action that would sacrifice the syndicate for my short-term well-being. That would be silly.
But now I have to decide whether to call a sick-day because I'd like to attend my son's school function, and I ran out of vacation days.
Or I need to decide whether to work an extra hour to finish a task or not.
Or I need to decide whether to volunteer for an unpleasant but necessary task, knowing that if I don't volunteer, somebody else is likely to do the job.
Or I need to decide whether, as a purchasing agent, to buy supplies from my friend or from another supplier, knowing that my friend's supply entails a
slightly worse deal for the syndicate (either in terms of price or in terms of quality).
Or I need to decide whether to "borrow" office supplies from the syndicate for my personal use, or buy them in the store.
In each case, my choice entails a slight increment in my own well-being at the expense of a
tiny cost to the syndicate. Note - none of those choices are going to have dramatic effect on the syndicate. I am not faced with a choice of self vs. syndicate, but rather the choice of a little more for me or a little more for the syndicate.
Being human, most people would choose a tiny improvement in their own well-being over that of the syndicate.
Syndicate vs. Society at largeHere I am assuming that a syndicate may choose whom it wants to sell its products to. If this assumption is wrong, please explain which organisation has authority over the syndicate, and why you wouldn't call that organisation "government".
Now I am participating in a democratic assembly in which we need to decide whom to sell the syndicate's product (clay) to. On the one hand, we can sell it to People's Terra Cotta Jug Production Facility C-35. On the other hand, we have a higher price offered by Phred's ceramics business.
Let's assume that I am a convicted socialist (like everybody else), and I believe that it is wrong to sell to budding capitalists like Phred, rather than to employee-run syndicates like People's Terra Cotta Jug Production Facility C-35.
On the other hand, Phred offers a higher price, and that would allow the syndicate to purchase new equipment to our communal gym.
The members debate the issue, and all agree that if Phred purchases the clay, no disaster would befall society. People's Terra Cotta Jug Production Facility C-35 could get its clay a little later (or from somebody else), and Phred is a nice guy that generally manages to refrain from whipping his wage slaves.
With that in mind, we decide (democratically) to sell our clay to the highest bidder (Phred).
So I am making two arguments, both based on the differential preference people have for themselves over their neighbours (or group members) and for their group over strangers. The preference, to emphasise, is
differential, i.e. relates to small increments of value, rather than an all-or-nothing choice.
Sure, but this isn't difficult to do. First, we could go back to Locke and find that even he, a classical liberal, viewed all land and resources as first communally owned.
Locke believed all the land is given from God to Man.
Humans occupy most of the world, and single individuals rummaging for food and then making a claim on some resources--like our ideal individuals of the classical liberals--simply don't exist.
Sort of. All the easily-exploitable resources are, indeed, spoken-for (with some exceptions, like government-owned land and ocean fishing).
But that has always been true. In the 18th century, to the extent that some areas have not been occupied, those where areas that, given 18th century technology and distribution of humanity, those areas haven't been easily-exploitable either.
For white people, Nebraska in the 18th century was, while technically available, economically not viable.
Fast forward to today, and recognise that there still are many resources today that aren't spoken for. I mentioned minerals under ground in the Australian Outback. Add to that crude oil under the ocean (or even in territorial waters) and you get my point.
What takes collective labour to operate should be collectively controlled, producers should be able to control their own production.
But what about those funding the operation? Aren't they entitled to control what is done with their savings?
And who says the moral argument implies equal control? Why should an entrepreneur who spent years working days and nights to initiate an enterprise has an equal say as a manual worker who just joined a few weeks ago?
Most importantly, if workers are allowed, once admitted into a productive enterprise, to a say in its running, aren't they equally entitled to forgo that right, say in exchange for higher wages?
If they are so entitled, what is the moral objection to workers choosing to work for fixed wages, understanding that if capital providers had to split control with them, they (the workers) would have to work without wages until such time as the enterprise started being profitable?
So, in this case, the Australians--not business man Joe or business woman Tonia who may or may not be an Australian.
What gives a person who lives in Sydney and never set foot in the Outback a greater claim to those minerals than a businessman who worked hard and risks his savings actually exploring for those minerals?
Sydney, to remind everybody, is thousands of miles away from the Outback. And, to remind you, you are an anarchist. Presumably you don't recognise the moral claim of governments to the territory that they happen to claim.
I'm failing to see why we need to go through every single example of every single potential industry.
The socialist rhetoric makes a huge deal out of the "means of production". I think it is reasonable to ask you to refer to industries in which there are no means of production, or in which such means are easily and cheaply available to all.
I guess I'm failing to see why this all seems so foreign...
That's because you are missing the point Phred and I are trying to make. The point isn't that capitalist production is the only (or even the best) way of providing certain services.
Our point is that you cannot
prohibit capitalist production and still call yourself "anarchist".
Thus if I started a tutoring company, I might rely on my reputation and innovative educational approach to acquire more students than I can teach myself. I offer John employment. I agree to pay him a fixed amount in exchange for providing him with students, instruction, monitoring, lesson-guides, etc.
Or I start a cleaning services company. I have created a nice web-site that brings me more customers than I can handle myself. I offer Marta employment as a cleaner. I will pay her a fixed amount in exchange for directing clients her way.
In such cases, there are no "means of production" (or they are easily available to all). And Red Barn's "you won't be able to get the raw materials" argument doesn't work.
Is your society going to prohibit such employer-employee relationships? If so, how? I don't think we will need to suppress anybody. I fail to see (any more than your sandwich shop) why these must necessarily become capitalist enterprises, in the sense of some owning the capital and putting it to use for private profit through the utilization of wage labor, those who have no access to the means of production.
You have just qualified what you count as "capitalist enterprises".
So, if I build myself reputation as a responsible, reasonably-priced provider of cleaning services, and I get 20 people to agree to clean houses as my employees for fixed wages, you wouldn't call that a "capitalist enterprise"?
I simply do not agree that capitalism necessarily develops in this society. This is not that difficult to grasp. It's no different from the fact that our institutional structures preclude centralized states from developing.
Here is a key difference. Capitalist enterprises (not "capitalism" in the abstract) or, to be precise, employer-employee relationships in which the employer pays the employee a fixed wage in exchange for the employee performing a given task, can arise through voluntary and peaceful choices made by free individuals.
Not so centralized states.
Thus an anarchist and peaceful society could use force against the latter, but not against the former.
We don't have to hope that centralised states won't develop - we can fight them because any state (by definition) is based on aggression.
Not so employer-employee relationships.
Free men are not equal and equal men are not free.
Government is not the solution. Government is the problem.