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#14292304
ASPI and Hewlett Packard hosted a debate on Defence issues between Dr Mike Kelly, who Mr Rudd has nominated to become Defence Minister if Labor win the election and who is currently Minister for Defence Materiel, and Senator David Johnston, Liberal spokesman for Defence. ASPI also invited the Greens.

Defence under Labor – Dr Mike Kelly
There is no greater responsibility for government than the defence of Australia and Australia’s interests.

In May, the Federal Labor Government delivered the 2013 Defence White Paper. The White Paper outlines how we will maintain a strong Australian Defence Force to meet Australia’s national security challenges.

It includes major new capability commitments that are critical to Australia’s long-term defence and security and that will ensure we maintain world class defence capabilities that are integrated to support effective, joint ADF operations. A re-elected Labor Government will ensure that Defence has the resources and guidance it needs to deliver our priorities as outlined in the White Paper.

Should it gain Government, the Coalition has no plan for Defence, other than uncertainty. The Coalition plans to spend half a term writing a new White Paper. It has made no commitment to provide any additional funding to Defence, beyond what has been committed by Labor.
Indeed, in the 2013-14 Budget the Labor Government provided Defence with a record $114 billion across the Forward Estimates, and funding guidance of over $220 billion over the subsequent six years from 2017-18 to 2022-23.

We have committed to increasing Defence funding towards a target of two per cent of GDP. This is a long-term objective that will be implemented in an economically responsible manner as and when fiscal circumstances allow.

A Labor Government will continue to improve the capability of the Australian Defence Force through a comprehensive equipment modernisation program. Since the release of the 2009 Defence White Paper, through to 5 August 2013, the Labor Government granted 141 approvals with a total value of around $21.1 billion.

Over this period, Defence has taken delivery of a number of major systems, including C-17 heavy lift aircraft, F/A 18F Super Hornet combat aircraft, Bushmaster protected mobility vehicles and two large amphibious/sea lift vessels.

The Labor Government started the Projects of Concern process in 2008 to resolve problem Defence projects, to ensure critical capabilities are delivered to the ADF and money is not wasted. Since the Projects of Concern process began, 21 projects with an approximate value of $21 billion have been listed as Projects of Concern.

The former Coalition Government proved itself incapable of effectively managing Defence procurement. Through eleven years and five ministers, it presided over numerous reviews and reform programs that failed to address schedule delays and budget blowouts.

The results of these shortcomings are all too apparent. Coming into office, the Labor Government found a long list of projects of concern that were well behind schedule or over budget, with a total value of around $13 billion. A prime example was the failed acquisition of the Seasprite Helicopters – contracted in 1997, wasting over $1.4 billion of tax payers’ money on 40 year old Vietnam War era helicopters, and not delivering a single helicopter for the Navy.

The Labor Government is building Australia’s defence capability on three pillars. First and foremost are the women and men of the Australian Defence Organisation, their pride, professionalism, courage and commitment. The second pillar is the strength of our economy which generates the resources to meet our security needs. The final pillar is Australia’s defence industry, which is critical to maintaining a strategic industrial capacity in key areas.

In contrast, the Coalition has plans to make massive cuts to the Defence workforce, particularly within the Defence Materiel Organisation. Labor realises the value of a highly skilled and motivated Defence workforce – both military and civilian employees. The Coalition’s talk of excessive civilian numbers in Defence fails to recognise the key roles civilians in our Defence Organisation now play in delivering and supporting capability for our front line troops, and the integrated roles of many civilians in Defence operations.

Rather than just irresponsibly cutting numbers, Labor will focus on improving the way Defence does business. Labor has been, and will continue to, implement a major Defence reform program, including reforms to accountability, Defence procurement, budget, and services. We are particularly focussed on cultural change within the Defence Organisation through the Pathway to Change program. A re-elected Labor Government will continue to drive these workforce and cultural reforms.

A Labor Government will focus its relationship with industry through the identified three themes of: Enhancing Innovation; Building Competitiveness; and Developing Skills. If re-elected, the Labor Government is committed to adapt and further mature our partnership with industry to reflect our contemporary circumstances. A returned Labor Government will release a new Defence Industry Policy Statement shortly after the election.

Our policy in relation to the major shipbuilding programs, and in relation to Australian industry participation in the Joint Strike Fighter program, will continue to offer significant opportunities to generate innovation, skills and broader manufacturing and industrial capacity for our nation. Labor will assure Australia’s maritime capability while providing more certainty to Australian industry through consideration of a smoother, coordinated shipbuilding program that will provide a more stable pattern of work for the industry and retain critical skills for the future.

A Labor Government will continue to drive more responsive and efficient procurement processes within Defence to facilitate enhanced relationships with industry. In line with the strategic directions set out in the 2013 Defence White Paper, Labor envisions closer connections between our strategic policy directions and defence policy for industry, and a defence industry that is innovative, competitive in the global market and highly skilled.

The Labor Government is keeping Australia safe at home and strong in the world by seeing through our mission of training and transition in Afghanistan, countering threats at home, and keeping our defence and security forces strong.

Labor is committed to maintaining a highly skilled, capable and adaptable ADF as we transition from over a decade of demanding and intensive operations. We remain committed to the best care and support possible for our military personnel, including through programs such as Soldier On.

As we transition from operations in Afghanistan, a Labor Government will examine additional opportunities for our Defence Force personnel to participate in UN missions, building on their skills and experience, and supporting our current role in the UN Security Council.

Labor places high importance on boosting Defence engagement with international partners. Reflecting this, we have strengthened the Australia-US Alliance through closer coordination and cooperation. The Labor Government has agreed with the United States to progress to a larger six month rotation of around 1,150 US Marines to northern Australia from 2014.

The Labor Government has also strengthened the Australia-New Zealand defence relationship to promote innovative and cost effective cooperation bilaterally, and participated in the inaugural South Pacific Defence Ministers’ Meeting in Tonga and the inaugural Australia, East Timor, Indonesia Trilateral Defence Ministers’ Dialogue.

Our partnership with Indonesia remains our most important defence relationship in the region, as exemplified by a Foreign and Defence Ministers Meeting (2+2) in April and the second Annual Defence Ministers’ Meeting in July.

A re-elected Labor Government will continue to enhance Australia’s defence engagement with Japan, China, the Republic of Korea, India and partners in South East Asia. We held the first Foreign and Defence Ministers’ Meeting (2+2) with the Republic of Korea, and a formal Defence Minister’s meeting with Japan, both in July this year. We conducted the inaugural Australia-China Defence Ministers’ Dialogue in China in June 2012, agreeing to continue comprehensive discussions on strategic and security issues of mutual interest and enhance bilateral defence engagement.

Labor’s objective is to maintain and develop a balanced, joint force that is agile, adaptive and able to respond to the full range of operational contingencies into the future, whether that be through traditional military responses or integrated civil-military operations. Key to operating in the future battlespace will be domination of the electro-magnetic spectrum. We must ensure our platforms and systems are thoroughly integrated, through a network-centric warfare approach, providing seamless links from satellite to soldier.

Unlike the Coalition, Labor’s plans for Defence will meet this objective. Our plans are clear and based on a platform of successful delivery of capability, programs to skill and support our Defence Force and civilian personnel, the conduct of military operations, and engagement with our partners.

Dr Mike Kelly AM MP is the Minister for Defence Materiel. http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/austra ... on-issues/


Defence under Coalition – Senator David Johnston
There is no higher priority for a future Coalition government than ensuring our national security.

This is an area where the Coalition has an unmatched record of commitment and competence.

The Coalition’s view of defence policy is that it must be based on securing the following key strategic interests: ensuring the defence of Australia and its direct approaches; fostering the security and stability of our immediate neighbourhood—Indonesia, PNG, East Timor and South Pacific states; supporting strategic stability in the wider Asia-Pacific region; and supporting global security.

The Coalition is committed to providing Australia with military capability which is able to deter threats and to project force in our neighbourhood and to operate with our allies in the wider world where we judge that is in our national interest.

Defence industry needs a credible, ‘bankable’ DCP with meaningful schedules and project durations but this kind of detail is never produced by this Government. The Australian Defence industry has been a victim of this policy malaise.

In fact, the 2013 DCP, promised to be published by the end of June, is still nowhere to be seen.

Within 18 months of an election, an incoming Coalition Government will publish a new Defence White Paper with costed, affordable ways to meet Australia’s defence and national security initiatives.

Importantly, there would be no further reductions in overall defence spending under a Coalition government: any savings that the Coalition can find in the defence bureaucracy would be reinvested in greater military capacity.

No Coalition government would ever make savings in defence that would compromise our national security interests or reduce the operational capabilities of our defence force.

Labor has made unprecedented cuts to the Defence budget in recent years. In the 2012–13 Budget we saw a 10% cut to Defence—we haven’t seen a larger cut since the end of the Korean War in 1953.

This Labor Government has created a $30 billion black hole in Defence funding into the future and are currently campaigning without a senior Defence Minister to outline their plans for national security. That is an insult to this important portfolio.

The Coalition believes in sound economic management and fiscal responsibility now so future generations of Australians are not unfairly saddled with paying off current debts.

We must never, as this Government has, unfairly and irresponsibly gamble with the security of future Australians by underfunding defence investment now.

In strong contrast to Europe and North America, defence spending by our near and wider neighbours continues to rise—leaving Australia the regional odd man out in cutting its defence budget.

It is perfectly reasonable that other countries in our region with growing economies are spending more on newer and more sophisticated defence hardware. But despite their overwhelming mutual interest in avoiding conflict, our strategic environment faces high levels of uncertainty in coming decades.

Therefore, a key aim of the Coalition is to return a clear margin of technological superiority to the ADF as a prudent hedge against this uncertainty. We also need to retain capability edges where possible to compensate for our small population and large territory.

This means prudent and sustained investment in adaptable and flexible defence capabilities best suited to handle strategic risks over the long term—especially as the ships, aircraft and other equipment our defence force uses are essential national infrastructure that generally remain in service for decades.

The Coalition will work hard to ensure that our military forces once again become at least as capable as they were when the Howard government left office.

After restoring the Budget to good health, the Coalition’s aspiration is to restore the 3% real growth in Defence spending that marked the final seven years of the Howard government and was promised but not delivered by the 2009 Defence White Paper.

Under a Coalition Government, within a decade, defence spending will be 2% of GDP – one third more than Labor’s current abysmal performance.

The Government has had six years to come up with a plan to replace our Collins Class submarine fleet, but it has achieved close to zero. It has said that there are four options on the table. Two have been suspended and the other two are ‘under consideration’.

A Coalition government would treat the replacement of the current submarine fleet as a matter of urgency to reduce the risk of a capability gap in the future.

Senator David Johnston is a Liberal senator for Western Australia and the Shadow Minister for Defence. http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/austra ... on-issues/


The Greens – Senator Scott Ludlum
The Australian Greens believe that genuine security rests on diplomacy, fair global economic and social development, environmental sustainability and respect for human rights.

We believe that United Nations mandated military action should be a last resort, justified when averting a major violation of human rights or attempted genocide, or to counter the military invasion of a country. The Australian Greens called for the Australian military to be deployed in East Timor to safeguard the outcome of an election in the face of extraordinary repression.

Sending men and women into armed conflict is a grave responsibility that the Greens do not believe should be held by a handful of people in the Executive. The Greens Defence Amendment (Parliamentary Approval of Overseas Service) Bill seeks to vest this so-called ‘War Power’ in the Parliament, as is standard practice in Denmark, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Slovakia, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and Turkey.

The absence of appropriate checks and balances on this decision-making power saw the Australian Prime Minister rapidly deploy troops to an illegal war in Iraq in 2003 without consulting Cabinet, and without the support of the Parliament or the majority of the population. Exposing our armed forces to physical and legal risks on such a questionable premise should never occur again. The Greens joined many eminent Australians in the August 2012 call for an inquiry into how Australia came to be involved in an invasion that ultimately cost hundreds of thousands of lives and inflamed sectarian instability in Iraq.

Governments around the world spent $1.75 trillion on military expenditure in 2012, an amount higher than Cold War peaks. Australia is among the five biggest military spenders in our region.

The 2009 Defence White Paper was directionless and bloated, and included a hardware wish list for a strategic environment that was never coherently described. It was startlingly undiplomatic, particularly towards our major trade partner China, sidelined the findings of its own Community Consultation process (which called for lower defence spending), and erroneously concluded that the strategic consequences of climate change would not be felt before 2030. Most crucially, defence policy continues to diffuse and confuse the objective of the defence of Australian territory with the objective of participation in foreign expeditionary wars.

The Greens believe the Joint Strike Fighter project is one striking example of poor strategic thinking leading to a poor procurement decision. The aircraft is a white elephant and that Australia should cut its losses as other countries have done. Our motion to the Senate calling on the government to urgently examine alternative capability development for the RAAF given the long lead times for project development, acquisition and entry into force was rejected by the old parties.

While some have laid the blame for the costly ambiguity at the heart of Australia’s defence policy at the feet of the ADF, the Greens believe these are political decisions for which politicians should take responsibility.

The Greens believe that Australia’s foreign and defence policies are not sufficiently independent, transparent or accountable. Statements by the Defence Minister proposing that Australia has full knowledge and concurrence of all activities occurring on US military bases in Australia are 90% platitude and 10% public information. The existing network of US communications and surveillance stations are now being buttressed by the most significant expansion of US Marine Corps and Air Force assets since the Second World War; a major change of policy undertaken without public consultation or public consent.

The Greens welcome Australia making efforts towards progress on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament but believe that the credibility of these efforts are reduced while we continue to lend bases, ports, infrastructure and doctrine to weapons capabilities that were found to be ‘generally contrary to the rules of international law’ in the International Court of Justice in 1996.

The 2013 White Paper devoted four paragraphs out of 148 pages to the security challenges posed by climate change. While providing a perfunctory acknowledgement that climate is a security issue, there is no indication that capability development is being informed by the changing nature of the security threats we face; we are left with the uncomfortable realisation that Australian defence policy is still geared to meeting the challenges of the 20th century.

Given the focus of very many other like-minded nations on climate security, Australia is unprepared and ill-equipped for the likely threats and situations we will face in the age of climate change. Australia’s security lies in preventing the worst impacts of climate change in our region and redirecting military expenditure to meet broader definitions of security.

The Greens believe that the quality of defence policy in Australia would be greatly improved if all MPs and defence bureaucrats were issued with a copy of Exit Wounds by Major General John Cantwell.

Scott Ludlam is an Australian Greens Senator for Western Australia. http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/austra ... on-issues/


Who do you think have the correct vision for the future of Australia's defence force.
#14292445
the JSF I got issues with just agreeing to by ANYTHING by writing blank checks especially to US defense Industry which knows what to do with blank check which is cash it for everything the sucker is worth. The US has a long history of screwing us on procurement. It's irresponsible bad policy.
#14292681
pugsville wrote:the JSF I got issues with just agreeing to by ANYTHING by writing blank checks especially to US defense Industry which knows what to do with blank check which is cash it for everything the sucker is worth. The US has a long history of screwing us on procurement. It's irresponsible bad policy.


The problem is to maintain our technological edge we need access to the latest equipment from the US, that means being involved in the planning and early production stages. You only get in on these by taking risks with the funding of development, and in the JSF case it has hurt badly.

Our neighbours are currently retooling their military with hardware that is comparable with our current equipment and so we will have to take risks with new or developing projects to maintain our force multipliers.

The Coalition is the best by far when it comes to defence (they also tend to use them a lot more), Labor promise a lot but don't deliver, and the Greens...... do they even have a defense policy?
#14292719
I can understand the desire to have the best aircraft we can get. I just dont think we should do that "at any cost". The Anzus Treaty has always been one way. We bleed for them, they overcharge us. There are Many Terrible Despots over the years the US has done sweetheart deals with and given plenty of arms and money, they have looked after some terribly regimes, and a lot of them have been not even fair weather friends. We been pretty good to the US, bases, supports for lots of their foolish escapades, and they seem to take Australia for granted and ream us royally when it comes to procurement.

I seriously doubt the US would ever help Australia unless it was in their best interests to do so. They have used us, taken advantage of us, and routinely overcharged us. I question the worth of the US Alliance full stop. And I deeply resent that they screw us repeatedly on procurement.
#14292805
pugsville wrote:I can understand the desire to have the best aircraft we can get. I just dont think we should do that "at any cost". The Anzus Treaty has always been one way. We bleed for them, they overcharge us. There are Many Terrible Despots over the years the US has done sweetheart deals with and given plenty of arms and money, they have looked after some terribly regimes, and a lot of them have been not even fair weather friends. We been pretty good to the US, bases, supports for lots of their foolish escapades, and they seem to take Australia for granted and ream us royally when it comes to procurement.

I seriously doubt the US would ever help Australia unless it was in their best interests to do so. They have used us, taken advantage of us, and routinely overcharged us. I question the worth of the US Alliance full stop. And I deeply resent that they screw us repeatedly on procurement.


That is very debatable, most of the equipment supplied by the US has been durable, cutting edge, and for a reasonable price. It has allowed us to maintain an effective deterrent and sphere of influence in the South Pacific. The JSF is a multi-country programme, it is a new concept and it has its merits that there is interchangeability with the airforces of the allies you are most likely to be fighting alongside. It has had its problems as it is an entirely new platform, not just the redesign of an old one.

It shines through that you are anti-US with an axe to grind, but if you take a non-hysterical view of the alliance and our weaponary its makes perfect sense as our interests often align in SE asia.
#14292807
pugsville wrote:the JSF I got issues with just agreeing to by ANYTHING by writing blank checks especially to US defense Industry which knows what to do with blank check which is cash it for everything the sucker is worth. The US has a long history of screwing us on procurement. It's irresponsible bad policy.



I think the mistake you make is the conflate the defense industry with the US government and/or the American nation. The US government actually is very favorably disposed to Australia. The American people are quite similar to Australians. Yet the defense industry isn't always honest. That is true. However you need to understand that companies such as Lockheed screw over the US tax payer just as much if not more so than they screw over the Australian tax payer.

I suggest your view is simplistic, even a little prejudiced against America. Just because part of a nation is taking advantage of you doesn't mean the whole nation is against you. This is especially so when the offending group is a private business.
#14292810
The JSF.
The negotiation strategy of saying just whatever you guys feel is fair, and writing a black check does not seem like prudent management. Is the JSF so important that it must be acquired whatever the price?

US Alliance.
We're been pretty good for them. Bases, Troops for their wars.
What exactly do we get out of the Alliance?
the US will do whats in their interests, if they perceive it's against their interests I doubt the treaty going to help. If it does we dont need it anyway.

How is any of this particularly Anti US? Substitute any other Nation.
#14292813
pugsville wrote:The JSF.
The negotiation strategy of saying just whatever you guys feel is fair, and writing a black check does not seem like prudent management. Is the JSF so important that it must be acquired whatever the price?

US Alliance.
We're been pretty good for them. Bases, Troops for their wars.
What exactly do we get out of the Alliance?
the US will do whats in their interests, if they perceive it's against their interests I doubt the treaty going to help. If it does we dont need it anyway.

How is any of this particularly Anti US? Substitute any other Nation.


The number of troops and military power Australia has provided for their wars is negligible, the real support we have gave them is legitimacy of having another country involved. As for bases the US has very little military based in Australia, places like Qatar, South Korea, Germany, Japan etc etc are far more important as they have permanent forces. Apart from Darwin (very recent) and Pine Gap we are a stop over for the ship enroute to other theatres and a training ground for combined exercises.

What we get out of the alliance is protection, there is no guarantee that the US would become involved to defend us but the very threat is more than enough to keep other countries from even contemplating invasion. As already mentioned we also get access to US weaponry ahead of our neighbours, which means we maintain our technological edge, a keystone of our defensive strategy.

If people seriously want to leave the ANZUS alliance I challenge them to suggest a credible alternative, we are a nation of 23 million with an entire continent to defend that is rich in resources. We must have a credible defense policy that counters any possible attack and that will always involve other nations as allies as we just do not have the manpower.
#14294929
AVT wrote:
From any country looking at our North and its rich resources thinking they could grab a bit of it with minimal effort.


...in 70 years, this situation hasn't changed. ANZUS is still essential to our defence.
#14294961
AVT wrote:From any country looking at our North and its rich resources thinking they could grab a bit of it with minimal effort.


You mean the any country that is buying up our resources for cheaper than it can obtain them at home? That any country and its easy access to cheaper Australian coal?

Ridiculous. If we were being protected, one would assume we would have a foreign policy and resource base to protect. We don't-both already sold out.
#14295278
colliric wrote:
...in 70 years, this situation hasn't changed. ANZUS is still essential to our defence.


Love this article "The Alliance is dead, long live the Alliance" by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute


Our well-worn alliance with the US ceased to exist a little while ago, at least in the way we’ve known it for several decades. The familiar parameters within which Australia operated for many years have now vanished. Today, new ones have arisen that will shape the alliance’s future. This new beginning will progressively impact Australian defence, foreign and domestic policies in many ways, some quite fundamental.

A child of the Cold War, the US–Australia alliance reflected American implementation of its containment grand strategy and Australian concerns over a revanchist Japan. When the ANZUS treaty was signed in 1951, Menzies’s foreign minister, Percy Spender considered it a disappointment compared with the NATO treaty signed only two years earlier. Under the NATO treaty, an attack on a signatory firmly committed the US to respond militarily in the threatened country’s defence. ANZUS, in contrast, only committed the US to consultations in times of crisis. Moreover, Spender was also frustrated that the US was unreceptive to the idea of Australian military personnel being involved with the American joint staff in operational defence planning. Spender considered ANZUS a base-level document that would need upgrading later, although this never eventuated.

Over the decades since, Australia has periodically committed forces to American-led coalitions in the hope that this would ensure Australia was never abandoned by the US in some future time of peril. This lack of certainty in the alliance treaty remained a long-running concern. There are two oft-quoted cases where this uncertainty became manifest. In early 1960s, America made it clear (PDF) they wouldn’t support Australia or the Netherlands in any armed conflict with Indonesia over the future of West Papua. America took this action seeking to avoid the possibility of Indonesia moving more closely into the Soviet orbit; the Cold War trumped parochial regional concerns. Much later, in the 1999 East Timor crisis the US was busy in the Balkans on matters it considered of much more importance and so was less fulsome in its material support then Prime Minister Howard hoped.

The two cases highlight that local Australian concerns haven’t been seen as critical to American vital interests across the last 60 years. Australia was distant to the great trouble spots where American vital national interests were in play. The Guam Doctrine arose at least partly because this was a region where America determined its involvement to be voluntary–even if it took the Vietnam War to fully grasp this. The European central front was quite different; America was deeply engaged there. Curiously, this relative unimportance allowed Australia the freedom to gradually develop a national joint defence force with its own command and control system able to independently undertake autonomous military operations, albeit on a small scale. For East Timor, Australia had the deployable joint force headquarters, doctrine, national communications system, capabilities and expertise suitable to act as the lead nation for a multinational intervention.

This was quite different to comparable NATO nations. Their location made their defence vitally important to the US and led to their armed forces being closely integrated into an Atlantic Ocean-spanning defence posture. Most specialised in specific and agreed niche roles within a much larger collective defence system. They didn’t have their own independent command and control systems—this would have been superfluous.

The Americans owned NATO in the ways that most mattered. America didn’t want individual European nations freelancing; thermonuclear war was way too serious a business. Indeed, the re-arming of West Germany was only allowed in the context of the new Bundeswehr being an integral part of the larger NATO force. Without any independent German national command system, the nation was deemed militarily incapable of going it alone.

The world has changed. Europe is no longer seen as being a region where American vital interests are threatened. Europe remains important to the US, just as Australia was in the Cold War, but it’s now a region where American involvement is discretionary. The game has shifted to the Western Pacific and Australia’s now too important to be left to its own devices. The fundamental assumptions that informed the 1987 Dibb report, which remained influential until the 2013 White Paper, are now passé.

President Obama tellingly announced the pivot to the Pacific in the Australian Parliament. American forces in Darwin symbolically occupy the barracks vacated by the Australian Army moving south. This American presence is slated to steadily grow over time, qualitatively and quantitatively. Meanwhile, American pressure for us to have a defence budget commensurate with their concerns has become noticeable.

On the other hand, Percy Spender’s worries have vanished. The US commitment to Australian defence is now almost NATO treaty like, even if only implicit. Australian military officers are now embedded in the US command structures and planning systems. And there are many further implications. The ADF’s future appears to be in providing tactical level forces that fit easily into the Pacific Ocean spanning American defence system. The need for us to be able to undertake independent operations is now less obvious, and the US may not necessarily be attracted to regional allies freelancing in any case. Our force balance might change in response, with the provision of specialised, niche capabilities perhaps growing in importance, as it did for NATO nations before us.

This new deep American interest in the region also means that our usefulness in providing a unique window on the region is dissipating. The US is now focusing its formidable intelligence apparatus on this part of the world and might develop expertise beyond us in scale, type and quality. Our regional knowledge will be of interest but of less importance to the alliance. And while some may have seen us as an American deputy sheriff, there’s no need for this now—the sheriff will always be in town. There are many other impacts to be realised and subtleties teased out. One feature is apparent though, this is not your granddad’s alliance.

http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/the-al ... -alliance/


I think its time to dump the US and start building regional alliances while relying on ourselves for defence.
#14295306
Igor Antunov wrote:I always like to point people over to Switzerland. Who protects poor little isolated switzerland? Switzerland does. We are a rich big little switzerland surrounded by water. If we can't protect ourselves, we don't deserve protection.


With respect, Switzerland is surrounded by the EU... we are not. We surrounded by "the big blue".
#14295311
We are surrounded by a substance in which objects sink and drown. Switzerland before the EU existed was just fine, despite fluid borders around its core and two world wars centered on its own continent. We are a continent.

The only viable scenario I can surmise where we come under attack is if the US starts a major war and uses us as a base/staging post. That doesn't resemble protection to me.
#14295463
Igor Antunov wrote:We are surrounded by a substance in which objects sink and drown. Switzerland before the EU existed was just fine, despite fluid borders around its core and two world wars centered on its own continent. We are a continent.


Well unlike Switzerland we have a lot of resources and a overpopulated island nations.
#14295688
Ahovking wrote:
I think its time to dump the US and start building regional alliances while relying on ourselves for defence.



Hmm, maybe your right. Still, it is good to get access to their top technology. I wonder if we can be sneaky enough to remain independent and still look close enough for congress to approve what ever sales we want?
#14295760
Igor Antunov wrote:We have access to the F-22 programme? Nope.



Actually it seemed quite possible we could have gotten F-22's while Bush and Howard were in. However why would we want them? Though very nice at BVR air supremacy, they can't do much else.

The Growler is a good example that we can get stuff the Americans will give to few others.

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